Cowardice, not leadership (Republican debate edition)

I didn’t watch the Republican debate because… why subject yourself to that.  And let’s be honest, it just didn’t make any difference at all and it was never going to.  That said, this was fantastic from Frank Bruni:

Donald Trump won’t be defeated with sound bites. He won’t be bested with wordplay. Ron DeSantis carped repeatedly that Trump was “missing in action” at the Republican presidential debate on Wednesday night, while Chris Christie called Trump a coward and christened him “Donald duck.” How very clever.

And how totally futile. They were throwing darts at the absent front-runner when missiles are in order.

Trump has a mammoth lead over all of them, and there’s no sign that it’s shrinking. He’s skating to the party’s presidential nomination. Along the way, he’s doing quadruple axels of madness, triple toe loops of provocation. He’s fantasizing about executing a respected general and he’s fetishizing firearms, his words coming close to incitements of violence. He’s not sorry for the Jan. 6 riots. To my ears, he’d like more where that came from.

But did any of the seven candidates onstage at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, Calif., talk about that? Nope. Mike Pence criticized Trump for wanting to consolidate too much power in Washington, D.C. DeSantis argued that Trump, if elected president again, could serve only one term, while DeSantis, a newcomer to the White House, could serve two.

Christie, the bravest of a timid bunch, gave eloquent voice to how profoundly Trump had divided the country, pitting friend against friend and relative against relative, and while that’s sadly true, that’s also beside the point.

The point is that Trump has zero respect for democracy and aspirations for autocracy. The point is that he keeps scaling new pinnacles of unhinged. The point is that he needs to win the presidency so that he doesn’t have to worry about living out his days where he belongs — behind bars.

And perhaps the only shot that any of those seven candidates has to stop him and prevent the irreversible damage he’d do to the United States with four more years is to call a tyrant a tyrant, a liar a liar, an arsonist an arsonist. None of them did.

They’re too frightened of his and his followers’ wrath. So forgive me if I chortled every time they talked about leadership, which they talked about often on Wednesday night. They’re not leaders. They’re opportunists who are letting an opportunity slip away from them.

Biden, Trump, and the UAW

I’ve vaguely paid attention to news stories about how both Biden and Trump are trying to court the auto workers on strike.  Of course, Trump has literally nothing to offer them but symbolic nonsense since Republican policies are almost uniformly anti-union.  But, maybe if you yell, “the woke are coming for your manufacturing jobs” enough, or just “look over there, a drag queen reading to kids!” Republicans can get union votes.  Eric Levitz, though, has paid proper attention and has a great piece on this:

These two approaches to the UAW’s fight perfectly encapsulate the two parties’ disparate orientations toward labor issues writ large.

Democrats and Republicans both wish to portray themselves as champions of the American worker. To an extent, this has always been true; to win power in a democracy, you need to claim some affinity for the most populous social class. But the competition for America’s populist mantle has intensified in recent years.

For decades, non-college-educated voters have been drifting rightward while university graduates shifted left. Trump’s 2016 campaign accelerated these trends, peeling off a critical mass of working-class Obama voters in pivotal Rust Belt states…

The GOP’s bid to claim the title of “workers’ party” has been far more superficial. The party has popularized cultural controversies that cleave highly educated liberals from the median working-class voter, even when those conflicts have few policy implications or material stakes. Trump, for his part, has an eye for publicity stunts that convey an ostensible solidarity with working people, as when he used the bully pulpit to pressure Carrier Global Corp to refrain from relocating production to Mexico, advocacy that failed to avert hundreds of layoffs at that firm once the media spotlight had shifted.

Trump and the GOP can make substantive appeals to blue-collar workers in discrete sectors. Although Republican officialdom has no interest in siding with unions in their conflicts with management, it is perfectly comfortable backing extractive industry in its disputes with environmentalists. And it is plausible that some workers in the fossil-fuel and mining industries have material reasons to favor Republicans over Democrats, although the substantive difference between the two parties on these issues is commonly exaggerated (under Biden, U.S. oil production hit record highs).

When it comes to policymaking that concerns all working people as working people, however, Republicans remain as committed to the interests of bosses as they’ve ever been. Under Trump, the GOP restricted workers’ rights to organize certain categories of workplaces, made it easier for employers to bust unions, denied guaranteed overtime pay to 12.5 million workers, effectively transferring $1.2 billion from their paychecks to their bosses’ bank accounts, proposed a rule allowing companies with fewer than 250 workers to cease reporting workplace injuries and illness statistics to Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), asked the Supreme Court to uphold the right of employers to include forced arbitration clauses in contracts (thereby denying workers the capacity to press complaints against their bosses in open court), and restored the right of serial labor-law violators to compete for government contracts, among other things.

Biden and Trump’s approaches to the UAW strike illustrate these two distinct orientations in miniature…

Trump, by contrast, never actually endorsed the UAW in its fight with the management of the Big Three automakers. Rather, he suggested that the real threat to UAW members’ interests are the environmentalists pushing the “all Electric Car SCAM” (a narrative that weaves a tapestry of lies around a single important half-truth). He then insinuated that he would be addressing striking workers, a gambit that succeeded in generating a week of headlines about the Republican front-runner’s heterodox courting of the union vote:..

And yet, as Jacobin’s indispensable labor reporter Alex Press noted, Trump’s rally with striking autoworkers proved to be entirely fictional. In reality, the Republican candidate accepted the invitation of a (seemingly) conservative small business owner to speak to a crowd of nonunion auto-parts manufacturing laborers, whose ongoing work directly reduces the leverage of striking workers in their sector…

One party is capable of rallying to labor’s side, when presented with sufficient intra-coalitional pressure and electoral incentive. The other party will project a populist image while channeling workers’ grievances toward targets other than their employers and partnering with low-road businesses to erode labor’s bargaining power. Whatever else comes out of the UAW’s strike, it has at least made the choice facing American workers clear.

Is Vassar discriminating against it’s female faculty?

That’s what the lawsuit of a number of female professors says, but, I highly doubt it.  First off… Vassar as being full of institutional sexism?  Have you been around a liberal arts college?  This is so dubious on its face.  That said, let’s go to the NYT:

Vassar College, one of the first institutions of higher learning for women in the United States, prides itself on being a pioneer in women’s education and deeply committed to equality between the sexes.

And yet, Vassar, a liberal arts college in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., where tuition this year is $67,000, has systematically paid its female full professors less than their male counterparts for the past two decades, according to a recent federal lawsuit

Solaar KirkDacker, a senior who helped to organize the protest, said she was “enraged” by the allegations.

“They really capitalize off of this idea of promoting the advancement of women in higher education, and that was something that really attracted me,” she said. “I felt very cheated by Vassar.”

Adopting the college’s current fund-raising slogan, “Fearlessly Consequential,” several students said they had decided to be “fearlessly consequential” by standing up for the values Vassar says it upholds.

“It just feels like a culmination of my education here,” Charlie Kanner, a recent graduate and rally organizer, said. “Being able to use all of the skills that our professors have given us to support them feels really, really special.”…

they say shows Vassar administrators have known about the pay gap for years.

In the 2003-04 academic year, female full professors earned about 7 percent, or $7,770, less on average than their male counterparts, according to the data, which was published in the Chronicle of Higher Education.

The gap has widened since, the data shows. During the 2021-2022 academic year, male full professors earned $153,238 on average — about 10 percent, or $13,900, more than women of the same academic rank.

A-ha!!  It’s right there in the data.  Sexist bastards!

And, since male and female faculty are distributed evenly across academic disciplines and all academic disciplines are paid on the same scale, it must be sexism! 

But, wait, of course, that preceding statement is not remotely true.  Men are much more likely to be full professors in the highest-compensated disciplines like economics and computer science.  Women are much more likely to be full professors in English and Sociology.  In fact, it only takes a few minutes to go to Vassar’s website and see that this is the case.

Here’s the key part of the article, that gets almost no follow-up:

Vassar officials have not disputed the data but say the disparities are tied to differences in seniority, academic discipline and peer evaluations.

Not all Vassar professors are protesting. Sarah Pearlman, an economics professor who teaches about gender issues, said she wanted more information about salaries before drawing conclusions.

“I really would like that information,” she said, “and unfortunately I get the sense that we can’t get it.”

Again, you can literally just go to Vassar’s website and see where the full professors are.  And then you can look at something like this– faculty salary by discipline.  I’m more than a little disappointed the NYT journalists didn’t dig into this point.  That’s honestly what I expect from the NYT– this isn’t an AP story. 

I’m entirely prepared to accept that there’s a lot going on in society that drives men towards Economics and Engineering and women towards English and Humanities.  But, that’s so far beyond anything Vassar is responsible for. 

Anyway, a Vassar Sociology professor made a ridiculous tweet about this:

The replies to this are so fun.  My favorite is the tweet of just a supply and demand curve.  I mean seriously, this is such basic economics.  (Though I also learned from the replies about the Marxist labor theory of value, which this tweet implicitly endorses).

Unsurprisingly, PhD Economist Noah Smith couldn’t let this go and wrote a really nice piece on it:

Now, the phenomenon of someone who makes 2.3 times the U.S. median personal income complaining about the salaries of people making 2.8 times the U.S. median personal income is an interesting one. It probably points to some important sociological (or psychological) phenomena — who people compare themselves to, what jobs they think are equivalent, how money conveys status, and so on. But as interesting as all that stuff is, today I just want to talk about the actual question — why economists make more money than sociologists.

Tan is certainly not the first to observe the disparity. Fourcade, Ollion, and Algan (2015) noted that economists make considerably more than sociologists or English profs, and perhaps only slightly less than engineering profs:

There are various other data sources, some of which put sociologists higher on the salary ladder, but they all have economists ahead. The question is why.

Economists and sociologists are going to have different answers to that question, because they analyze the world in different ways. Sociologists might explain salary differences as a function of power, or relationships, or cultural values. But economists would tend to explain salary differences in terms of supply and demand…

A more realistic explanation, I think, is that the people who are considering becoming economics profs have a lot more outside options. Economists tend to feel favorable toward the private sector — after all, a lot of economics theory is about how the private sector is great. So people with econ PhDs might consider academia, but be almost as happy to go be consultants, or data scientists, or private-sector economists working for Amazon. Whereas sociology PhDs might be more likely to have their heart set on a career as a scholar.

Another reason economics PhDs might have more outside options is that their skills might translate more easily to a high-paying private-sector job. Though sociology has increased its statistics acumen in recent years, econ still generally requires learning more advanced stats (or “econometrics”, as they call it). That can make it easier for economists to transition into data science roles. When some economist friends of mine decided to go into data science and went to a boot camp for PhDs, they found that the statistical methods weren’t too different from what they had done as academics. Whereas for many sociologists, especially those who do more qualitative research, it probably requires more retraining to make that jump.

Also, the private sector simply hires a lot of economists to do actual economics. Susan Athey and Michael Luca wrote a fairly detailed description of what tech companies hired economists to do as of 2019…

In the meantime, one way to test whether or not salaries are determined by market forces or social ones is to simply try demanding more money from universities. Catherine Tan’s concluding line — “More money please — represents an approach that is far more likely to work if salaries are socially determined than if they are set by markets.

And it’s perfectly possible that that approach will work, at least at some universities. After all, there are plenty of examples of universities seeming not to be purely rational cost-minimizing entities. For example, a ton of college sports programs lose money, but students and alumni both love them, so colleges spend a lot on them. It seems unlikely that Ibram X. Kendi’s Center for Antiracist Research would have received tens of millions of dollars in funding based entirely on ruthless considerations of dollars and cents.

In the meantime, though, consider the possibility that market forces — things like professors’ outside options, demand for undergrad majors, etc. — are also potentially very important. Universities can fight market forces if they want to, but it’s expensive and difficult. Paying economists a little bit more than sociologists may simply be the path of least resistance.

 

Kamala Harris’ plan to destroy America

I’m not a big fan of Kamala Harris.  She’s fine, but, honestly, I’ve been disappointed in her political acumen.  It’s not her race or her role, she’s, surprisingly, just not very good at this.  Regardless, in the end, she’s honestly just a pretty ordinary Democratic politician.  Great stuff from Paul Waldman:

I’m not here to argue Harris’ merits versus other would-be Democratic presidents. But what ought to be obvious is that Harris is just an ordinary Democrat

If Harris becomes president, she’ll do pretty much what Biden has done. She’d try to expand access to health care, and preserve abortion rights, and address climate change, and shore up labor unions. She’d appoint liberal judges and seek to strengthen America’s alliances overseas. If Democrats are fortunate enough to control Congress, she might try to pass some big legislation on those priorities, but would probably have to settle for compromise and half-measures. Progressives would wind up feeling disappointed with what she failed to accomplish, just as they do with every Democratic president.

Conservatives may disagree with that agenda, but there isn’t anything unusual about it. So to repeat, what are they afraid of? …

There are two things going on here. The first is that it has become almost reflexive for conservatives to argue that their political opponents are not merely wrong but are carrying out a secret plan to destroy America. Biden says he’s running to “finish the job,” and Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson responds, “Finish what job, destroying America?” South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott decries Biden and the left’s “blueprint to ruin America” — not an accident, but a carefully designed plan. Should Biden be re-elected, says Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, “The left is gonna absolutely destroy this country.”…

The next Democratic presidency is always supposed to destroy the nation, despite the fact that after repeated Democratic administrations, America remains oddly undestroyed…

The second reason Republicans are shouting that a Harris presidency is uniquely terrifying is simple and straightforward: race-baiting and misogyny. They’re not actually frightened of a Harris presidency, but they believe that just as they ginned up rage and fear against Obama and Hillary Clinton that burned with the fire of a thousand suns, they can do the same with Harris. 

In both cases, the idea that one of them would have power was posited as a unique and terrifying threat to us. Obama, conservatives said, was a radical Black nationalist intent on taking revenge on white people, eager to destroy them and everything they valued. It was just a few months into his presidency that Glenn Beck, at the time the brightest star in the right-wing media, said that Obama “has a deep-seated hatred for white people,” and that drumbeat never let up. Every new policy initiative, no matter how mundane, was characterized as Obama exacting “reparations” to steal from white people and give to undeserving Blacks.

Photo of the day

Oh my, this gallery of 2023 Astronomy photography of the year is absolutely fantastic!!

A wide view of a bright-green aurora above a snow-covered mountain, appearing like a shimmering curtain in the sky.

Circle of Light. Runner-Up, Aurorae. A stunning photograph of a vivid aurora over Skagsanden Beach, Lofoten Islands, Norway. The mountain in the background is Hustinden, which the aurora appears to encircle. 

© Andreas Ettl

Even more on Biden’s age and electability

Nate Silver is writing about it again and I find these takes particularly interesting:

I’ve written a lot about Joe Biden lately. But I’ve somewhat intentionally avoided the subject of whether I think Democrats would have a better chance of winning the 2024 election with a different nominee. In the spirit of being transparent with Silver Bulletin readers, I feel like I ought to be more explicit about addressing this. However, my answer probably isn’t going to satisfy anyone:

  • With medium confidence, I think the risks of a serious primary challenge to Biden at this point in time would outweigh the benefits for Democrats.

  • With low confidence, I think the risks of Biden volunteering not to run for a second would also outweigh the benefits for Democrats, but this is closer.

  • With low confidence, and taking full advantage of hindsight bias, I think Democrats probably would have been better off if Biden had announced 6-12 months ago that he wouldn’t seek a second term.

  • I think Biden’s situation is somewhat unprecedented and that these are hard questions for Democrats. Almost no matter what happens, people in 2025 will treat the answers as having been more obvious than they actually were.

This selection bias problem — candidates may receive primary challenges because they’re vulnerable rather than it being the primary challenge that makes them vulnerable — is a super tricky issue to solve for. Studies of primary challenges in Congressional races, where there’s a much larger sample size, are all over the place, with some concluding primary challenges are indeed fairly bad news for the incumbent party and others suggesting they have little effect — and some papers even claiming they may be beneficial.

Competitive primaries do provide the not-inconsiderable benefit of optionality. If Biden’s lost a step — and, for example, he can’t keep up with the rigors of a campaign schedule or perform well in debates — it would be much better for Democrats if they know that in October 2023 and not October 2024. This also applies to Biden’s challengers. Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, for example, might or might not be a compelling presidential candidate for Democrats. However, how she performed at building a campaign and then competing in a series of primaries and caucuses would tell you something about that.

With all that said, let’s imagine that one of the candidate’s on Chris Hayes’s list —Whitmer, Josh Shapiro, JB Pritzker, Raphael Warnock and Gavin Newsom — announces tomorrow that they’re challenging Biden. (Yes, there are differences between these candidates, but I don’t assume that Democrats would necessarily get their pick-of-the-litter in the quite possibly politically suicidal task of challenging Biden.) What would happen?

Well, for one thing there would be an absolute media shitstorm. It would displace everything else from the news cycle — yes, even the Taylor Swift-Travis Kelce news. Every critique of Biden would be highlighted and validated.

Still, the challenge probably wouldn’t work. The opposing candidate would be very much at a standing start — none of the candidates I mentioned have run for national office before, and a presidential campaign typically takes six months to a year to get up to speed. The value of optionality would be considerably diminished if voters and party elites didn’t have enough time to fully evaluate all their options. So the most likely outcome would be Biden being nominated anyway, but with battle scars that were probably harmful to him in the general election…

Here’s perhaps the most controversial part of my take: I think Democrats probably would have been better off if Biden had announced in February that he’d chosen not to seek another term. Then there would be a lot more time for “added optionality” to prevail over “chaotic shitshow”. I think Harris would probably lose a nomination fight under these circumstances — but she’d have plenty of time and resources to prove me wrong. Meanwhile, Whitmer and others would be on a more level playing field to raise money and compete with wealthy candidates like Pritzker.

But if you started that process now? I suppose this scenario looks better with a lot of coordination. You’d need Biden to stand down, you’d need party leaders to send a clear message that they wanted an open nomination process and not just Harris by default, and you’d need to make sure that Whitmer and/or other candidates the establishment liked were actually interested in running and the choice didn’t feel force-fed to voters. Ideally you’d also want to do all of this without someone leaking to Politico or the Washington Post and upending the process.

And that’s probably too much to ask for. In a democracy, you can’t just waive a magic wand and conjure the perfect candidate into existence. The invisible primary is a thing, but it’s a slow, iterative process. Biden may or may not be the best choice, but at this point the Democrats’ choice has largely already largely made.

I’m not sure if I agree or not, and Silver himself is admittedly “low confidence.”  But, I think there’s a pretty decent case to be made that, yes, Biden should have announced a while back that he’s not running again.  But, at this point in time, it truly is hard to see how anything but Biden easily winning renomination is the best course for Democrats. 

We’re immune to just how awful Trump is

Great stuff from Brian Klaas. Trump is such a literal firehose of absolute awfulness that it’s become common for the media to ignore how amazingly awful he is.  And it’s pretty damn awful.  The idea that this man seems all but assured to win the Republican nomination and has a reasonable shot of winning the 2024 election is appalling and insane. But here we are.  Klaas:

Late Friday night, the former president of the United States—and a leading candidate to be the next president—insinuated that America’s top general deserves to be put to death.

That extraordinary sentence would be unthinkable in any other rich democracy. But Donald Trump, on his social-media network, Truth Social, wrote that Mark Milley’s phone call to reassure China in the aftermath of the storming of the Capitol on January 6, 2021, was “an act so egregious that, in times gone by, the punishment would have been DEATH.” (The phone call was, in fact, explicitly authorized by Trump-administration officials.) Trump’s threats against Milley came after The Atlantic’s publication of a profile of Milley, by this magazine’s editor in chief Jeffrey Goldberg, who detailed the ways in which Milley attempted to protect the Constitution from Trump.

And yet, none of the nation’s front pages blared “Trump Suggests That Top General Deserves Execution” or “Former President Accuses General of Treason.” Instead, the post barely made the news. Most Americans who don’t follow Trump on social media probably don’t even know it happened.

Trump’s rhetoric is dangerous, not just because it is the exact sort that incites violence against public officials but also because it shows just how numb the country has grown toward threats more typical of broken, authoritarian regimes. The United States is not just careening toward a significant risk of political violence around the 2024 presidential election. It’s also mostly oblivious to where it’s headed.

Trump loves to hide behind the thin veneer of plausible deniability, but he knows exactly what he’s doing. If a mob boss were to say, “In times gone by, people like you would have had their legs broken,” nobody would mistake that for a historical observation. The suggestion is clear, and it comes from a man who has one of America’s loudest megaphones—one that is directed squarely at millions of extremists who are well armed, who insist that the government is illegitimate, and who believe that people like Milley are part of a “deep state” plot against the country.

Academics have a formal term for exactly this type of incitement: stochastic terrorism. An influential figure with a large following demonizes a person or a group of people. The likelihood is strong that some small number of followers will take those words literally—when Trump implies that Milley deserves to be put to death, some of his disciples might take it as a marching order. The number of those who take action does not have to be large for the result to be horrific…

For all of these reasons, Trump’s recent unhinged rant about Milley should be a wake-up call. But in today’s political climate, the incident barely registers. Trump scandals have become predictably banal. And American journalists have become golden retrievers watching a tennis-ball launcher. Every time they start to chase one ball, a fresh one immediately explodes into view, prompting a new chase.

Eventually, chasing tennis balls gets old. We become more alive to virtually any distraction: The media fixate on John Fetterman’s hoodie instead of on stories about the relentless but predictable risk of Trump-inspired political violence.

Bombarded by a constant stream of deranged authoritarian extremism from a man who might soon return to the presidency, we’ve lost all sense of scale and perspective. But neither the American press nor the public can afford to be lulled. The man who, as president, incited a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol in order to overturn an election is again openly fomenting political violence while explicitly endorsing authoritarian strategies should he return to power. That is the story of the 2024 election. Everything else is just window dressing.

How disability activists harm the disabled

Given that I have an older brother who is severely disabled (non-verbal, severe autism) and a son who has autism and is significantly intellectually disabled, I loved, loved, loved this piece from Freddie deBoer.  I so appreciate the way he stands up for the individuals and their families who are genuinely, substantially impaired by their disabilities and is honest about the harsh realities.  Far too many disability advocates (seemingly the ones who are very disabled, but somehow managed to graduate from an Ivy League college) live in a fantasy world where if we just tried hard enough, changed society enough, etc., psychological and cognitive disabilities wouldn’t be an actual problem.  And living in that fantasy world makes it so much harder to deal with the very real disabilities of people like my brother and my son.

deBoer reviews Amy Lutz’s new book, Chasing the Intact Mind and takes off from there:

What is the “intact mind”? It’s Lutz’s term for the theory that every person with an intellectual or cognitive or developmental disability must necessarily have some other version of themselves trapped inside their heads, a “normal” version. So a nonverbal autistic person, like Lutz’s son Jonah, is presumed in the conventional narrative to have another self that could potentially be reached with the correct intervention. In a thorough review of memoirs written by autistic parents and autistic people (the latter of which are sometimes dubious), she again and again finds the assumption that there’s a fully functional person “somewhere in there.” As she notes, with compassion that’s both obvious and very understandable, there’s simply no reason to believe that this is true; some profoundly autistic people who are nonverbal may have conventional consciousness that they can’t express, but given the degree of overall impairment such people often have (including issues like an inability to control their bathroom functions, difficulty moving around without assistance, and repetitive self-injury), the insistence that every nonverbal autistic person harbors an intact mind within them is strange and unhelpful. But this attitude is part of what makes Lutz a target of the disability activist crowd, and in fact many people consider the term “nonverbal” inherently bigoted, saying instead “autistic people who choose not to speak.” The evidence that such an active, conscious choice has been made is nonexistent.

In addition to being baseless, this attitude reveals an ugly moral assumption. As Lutz notes, insisting that every profoundly autistic person must hold a conventional being inside of them inevitably suggests that possession of a typical consciousness is necessary for that autistic person to be worthy of love and accommodation…

The notion of the intact mind also speaks to one of my central frustrations with the whole disability activist community: their absolute inability to ever accept that some things in life are just bad, that tragedy and unhappiness exist and cannot be legislated away. You can’t just say the word “ableist” until the world capitulates to your sunny, false worldview. It’s sad to think that there are millions of kids out there whose cognitive and developmental disabilities prevent them from having a conventional mind, and sad to think of the millions of parents who are desperate to connect more deeply with their profoundly autistic children. And so the intact mind is simply assumed, and anyone who questions it is labeled a bigot, guilty of “ableism.” This is the same impulse that inspires people on social media to insist, with the sublime confidence of the ignorant, that mental illness never causes anyone to be violent, which is both flagrantly untrue and terribly cruel to the mentally ill…

Lutz examines various issues that have been impacted by the rise of disability activists and their very particular sense of what’s best for people with disabilities. Core to the problem, in Lutz’s view, is that the disability studies school sees any separate program or facility as inherently segregated and thus pernicious. This has led to the perverse outcome of disability activists shutting down various efforts to better serve the severely disabled under the guise of fighting segregation. Disability studies activists, for example, are in large majorities adamantly opposed to the existence of supportive housing that specifically serves profoundly autistic patients, despite the fact that such housing can be the safest and most nurturing spaces for them. An interesting ethical question concerns 14(c) programs, which have traditionally allowed for those with cognitive and developmental disabilities to work for less than minimum wage in order to experience working life and have more structure in their days. On the one hand, I’m a firm believer in minimum wages that define a certain floor for any kind of work, especially considering that it’s been demonstrated again and again that they do not have the negative effect on hiring that conservatives claim. However, many of the people who have held these 14(c) jobs have reported that they enjoyed doing them, and Lutz cites evidence suggesting that when these programs are shut down, most of the people with disabilities within them don’t transition into regular work (as disability activists insist they will) but instead sit at home.

That’s a complicated political issue, for me, but not for those activists; they can imagine a world where (for example) someone with Down syndrome and an IQ of 60 can work well enough to be worth hiring under conventional capitalist terms, so they insist that that must be the reality. When sad reality and their idealism conflict, they always side with the idealism. And as Lutz demonstrates, they’ve been remarkably effective in getting these programs shut down, shouting about equity and obscuring the perspectives of the people who enjoy participating in these programs and their parents, who have much less social capital and thus less ability to speak.

Okay, I’ll stop there.  Honestly, please just read the whole thing. Rarely have I read a piece of writing where my interior monologue the whole time is so much, “yes! right on! so true!”

 

Quick hits (part II)

1) Great stuff on Covid’s “new normal.”  I fully endorse this:

Among people who are still paying attention to Covid-19, there’s been a recent surge — not just in viral activity but in the concern once again being paid to Covid.

Headlines announce that transmission is surging and hospitalizations for Covid are rising by alarming percentages. There’s debate in some places about whether or not to resume wearing masks. People are worrying about whether the latest subvariant, BA.2.86, spells bad news for our fall and winter, and whether soon-to-be-released booster shots will be a match for it or whatever variant follows.

While the angst is understandable, there’s something we need to grasp at this point in our coexistence with SARS-CoV-2: This is our life now.

“I see so many people say: ‘Remember, Covid’s not over,’” Jennifer Nuzzo, an epidemiologist and director of Brown University’s Pandemic Center, told STAT.

“Covid’s never going to be over. You need to set expectations accordingly. It is never going to be over.”…

Covid is now like influenza, RSV, rhinoviruses, and a large number of other pathogens that will at some point or points in a year increase in transmission activity and then decline, ceding the stage to something else that can make people cough, sneeze, run a fever, feel lousy, and sometimes require medical care and can on occasion lead to death. To be sure, Covid currently is the worst member of that gang, still killing more people a year than influenza, which previously wore the worst actor badge.

But when we’re looking at Covid, it’s important to remember that we are in a markedly different phase in our experience with SARS-2 than we were even a year ago, experts insist. Yes, the number of new hospital admissions is rising, and the number of deaths may follow. But they are far below the figures of previous years. In the last week of August 2021, there were nearly 86,000 new hospital admissions. Last year at the same time, the number was 37,000. This year it was 17,400.

But that important context is often missing from headlines or social media posts warning of a doubling of this metric or a percentage spike in that metric.

“There’s no context to that,” said Michael Osterholm, director of the University of Minnesota’s Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy. “Are we doubling 650 deaths a week? Or are we doubling 15,000 deaths? We just have to help ourselves understand that we’re in a different place. We’re going to see Covid activity indefinitely into the future.”

2) Oh man do I totally love the idea of putting all the latest scientific/technological know-how towards manipulating our microbiome to help us be healthier:

I SEE YOU, reader. You drink the probiotic seltzer, with its gut-improving bacteria, and the fiber-filled prebiotic. You regularly consume eclectic fermented foods and burly amounts of kale to diversify those precious microbes in your digestive tract. Because, after all, what isn’t the microbiome responsible for? It’s been all the rage for the past few years, with scientists hoping it could help treat everything from immune disorders to mental illness. How exactly that will work is something we’re just starting to explore. This spring, the effort got a boost when UC Berkeley biochemist and gene-editing pioneer Jennifer Doudna, who won a Nobel Prize in 2020 for coinventing Crispr, joined the pursuit. Her first order of business, spearheaded by Berkeley’s Innovative Genomics Institute: fine-tuning our microbiome by genetically editing the microbes it contains while they’re still inside us to prevent and treat diseases like childhood asthma. (Full disclosure: I teach at Berkeley.) Oh, she also wants to slow climate change by doing the same thing in cows, which are collectively responsible for a shocking amount of greenhouse gas.

As someone who has written about genetic engineering in the past, I have to admit that my first reaction was: No way. The gut microbiome contains around 4,500 different kinds of bacteria plus untold viruses, and even fungi (so far: in practice we’ve only just started counting) in such massive quantities that it weighs close to half a pound. (Microbes are so tiny that 30 trillion bacteria would weigh roughly 1 ounce. So half a pound is a lot.)

Figuring out which ones are responsible for which ailments is tricky. First you need to know what’s causing the problem: like maybe something is producing too much of a particular inflammatory molecule. Then you have to figure out which microbe—or microbes—is doing that, and also which gene within that microbe. Then, in theory, you can fix it. Not in a petri dish, but in situ—meaning in our fully active, roiling, squishing stomach and intestines while they continue to do all the stuff they usually do.

Until recently, it would have seemed insane—not to mention literally impossible—to edit all the microbes belonging to a species within a vast ecosystem like our gut. And to be fair, Doudna and her collaborator, Jill Banfield, still don’t know quite how it will work. But they think it can be done, and in April, TED’s Audacious Project donated $70 million to support the effort. My own gut feeling (right?) was that this was either brilliant or terrifying, or possibly both at once. Brilliant because it had the potential to head off or treat diseases in an incredibly targeted and noninvasive way. Terrifying because, well, you know … releasing a bunch of inert viruses equipped with gene-editing machinery into the vital ecosystem that is our gut microbiome—what could go wrong? With that in mind, I invited Jennifer Doudna to my house for a chat about the future of microbiome medicine.

3) Just love the writing about Manet’s “Olympia

It is a cliché: the work of art that scandalizes audiences upon its debut, only to get its due once the shock of the new fades away. Édouard Manet’s 1863 masterpiece Olympia, the star of the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s gigantic new show “Manet/Degas,” in some respects fits this description. It was attacked when it was first exhibited at a salon in Paris in 1865, described as “ugly and repulsive” and “rancid.” Its subject, a nude courtesan who looks right at the viewer while a Black maid looks at her, was called a “female gorilla.” The painting was rehung near the ceiling to hide it from appalled critics, and it never sold during Manet’s lifetime. However, the difference between Olympia and other great works of art that initially faced comparable revulsion is that Olympia shocks still.

Manet was only 33 when Olympia received its rude welcome, but he had already established himself as a rule-breaker and a provocateur with the exhibition two years earlier of The Luncheon on the Grass, which featured two rakish men in modern dress and two women, one of them nude, in an Edenic landscape. Olympia was similarly perverse. While audiences were likely used to paintings of nudes — the courtesan’s languid pose appears to be based on Titian’s Venus of Urbino, which was painted in the 1530s — it was another thing to suggest that this slender jezebel was a Venus herself. Manet’s painting was seen as an offense, an affront, a joke. (Manet wrote to Baudelaire looking for comfort. The poet told him to take it on the chin: “Do you think you are the first man put in this predicament?”)

Viewers had come expecting handsome renderings of light and shadow done with little to no brushwork showing. But Olympia is not smooth or easy. The composition is awkward, exaggerated, blocky. The colors are harsh and high contrast, especially the two figures — one a creamy white, the other nearly as dark as the Japonisme backdrop — that dominate the painting’s shallow space. Olympia represents the beginning of the modern mind, the birth of a new consciousness. What shocks us now, though, is that servant and her enigmatic gaze, which seems to cast the whole order of the universe into fresh doubt.

The model for the courtesan is Victorine Meurent, who posed for Manet many times, including for Luncheon. Her nakedness is blatant, audacious, expunged of the godly glow that characterizes Titian’s Venus and other idealized mythic subjects. Her expression is unashamed and confrontational, so different from those of the passive odalisques that came before her. She reclines on a bed of white silken pillows and sheets, propped up on her right elbow. One hand holds a flowered shawl, but the other, covering her pudenda, is where the eye immediately goes. We are stopped here. So close, so far, so challenging, so “What are you looking at?” She wears a black bow adorned with a pendant around her neck while she kicks off one slipper, undressing before our eyes. Her whole demeanor is an invitation to approach and a warning to stay away. A black cat at her feet looks directly at us with big staring eyes and arches its back.

4) I had never really thought about the fact that microwaves have gotten fancier buttons, but basically haven’t improved in decades.

It may not seem like it today, but the microwave oven is a grand success story of American innovation. The first one, invented by a scientist at the military contractor Raytheon in 1945, weighed 750 pounds, stood more than five feet tall, and cost at least $2,000. Some 20 years later, the company released a countertop version that cost $500, pushing the United States into an era of frozen dinners that could be quickly defrostable. Most of today’s microwaves work in the same basic way as these early devices: They reflect microwaves produced by a magnetron around a cooking chamber. When the wavelengths strike the food molecules inside, they vibrate them and create heat. The turntable came soon after, and by the 1980s, it was included in basically every microwave. The appliances became smaller, too, but then the changes largely stopped. “For the last several decades, there have not been a lot of new paradigm-shifting innovations in the microwave oven,” says John F. Gerling, the president of the International Microwave Power Institute, a group that advocates for microwave safety and performance standards.

Part of the problem is that most companies don’t seem to be trying very hard to innovate on the device. The microwave is notorious for heating unevenly, rubberizing meats, and failing to brown or crisp. Even Kressy’s colleagues who also design and develop products, he said, “are skeptical and only use, like, two features on the microwave.” I asked five of the biggest microwave manufacturers in the U.S. about whether microwaves have advanced, and heard back from only Bree Lemmen, Whirlpool’s kitchen brand manager. She wrote in an email that “one of the biggest innovations in the microwave space over the past few decades is the Whirlpool® low profile microwave, which combines the power of a standard microwave and a vent hood into a sleek, compact appliance that mounts under your cabinets in place of a range hood.” Awesome.

And considerably better methods of microwave heating have long been available. In 1988, Panasonic debuted “inverter technology,” which allows the microwave to cook more precisely at lower power levels and prevent overheating. (Conventional microwaves operate at maximum power or not at all; when set to half power, they cycle on and off at equal intervals.) Lots of different companies now sell inverter microwaves, but the technology’s slightly elevated price has kept it lagging behind the conventional microwave from decades before. More ambitious microwaves have fared worse. General Electric’s Trivection oven—essentially a combination of microwave, convection oven, and conventional oven—flopped so badly that it became a gag on 30 Rock. “That’s too bad,” Gerling told me, “because I thought it was really cool.”

4) It’s been 30 years since “NYPD Blue” premiered.  I loved that show.  As far as I recall, I watched almost every episode. I’m pretty sure I cried when Bobby Simone died.  My first exposure to internet tv culture was Alan Sepinwall’s amazing episode recaps in a usenet group.  Sepinwall went on to be a big-time TV reviewer and, appropriately, has a terrific look back at the show and it’s impact.

5) It’s kind of amazing to me how much hate Yascha Mounk gets from the left, and judging by twitter and bluesky, he definitely gets it for this piece I quite liked, “How to Argue Against Identity Politics Without Turning Into a Reactionary”

Does it make sense to speak out against the well-intentioned, if wrongheaded, ideas that are circulating in progressive circles at a time when Mr. Trump retains a serious chance of winning back the White House? Is there a way to oppose such practices without turning a blind eye to genuine discrimination or falling for conspiracy theories? In short: Is it possible to argue against the identity synthesis without falling into the reactionary trap?

Yes, yes and yes.

There is a way to warn about these views on identity that is thoughtful yet firm, principled yet unapologetic. The first step is to recognize that they constitute a novel ideology — one that, though it has wide appeal for serious reasons, is profoundly misguided.

In recent years, parts of the right have started to denounce any concern about racism as being “woke” or an example of “critical race theory.” This right-wing hyperbole has, in turn, persuaded many reasonable people that critical race theory amounts to little more than a commendable determination to teach children about the history of slavery or to recognize that contemporary America still suffers from serious forms of discrimination. Critical race theory, they think, is simply a commitment to think critically about the terrible role that race continues to play in our society.

This soft-pedaled depiction of their ideas would come as a shock to the founders of critical race theory. Derrick Bell, widely seen as the father of the tradition, cut his teeth as a civil rights lawyer who helped to desegregate hundreds of schools. But when many integrated schools failed to provide Black students with a better education, he came to think of his previous efforts as a dead end. Arguing that American racism would never subside, he rejected the “defunct racial equality ideology” of the civil rights movement..

It is naïve to think that we face a choice between speaking out against wrongheaded progressive ideas or fighting against the threat from the far right. To breathe new life into the values on which American democracy is founded and build the broad majorities that are needed to inflict a lasting defeat on dangerous demagogues, principled critics of the identity synthesis need to do both at the same time.

Many people who were initially sympathetic to its goals have since recognized that the identity synthesis presents a real danger. They want to speak out against these ideas, but they are nervous about doing so. It’s not just that they don’t want to risk alienating their friends or sabotaging their careers. They fear that opposing the identity synthesis will, inevitably, force them to make common cause with people who don’t recognize the dangers of racism and bigotry, push them onto the “wrong side of history,” or even lead them down the same path as Mr. Weinstein.

6) This was quite good, “Residuals Are Key to Nearly Every Strike in Hollywood History — Here’s Why”

7) This is not easy stuff. “How a Yale Student’s Rape Accusation Exposed Her to a Defamation Lawsuit”

In a 2018 disciplinary hearing at Yale University, Saifullah Khan listened as a woman accused him of raping her after a Halloween party.

The woman, who had graduated, gave a statement by teleconference to a university panel, but Mr. Khan and his lawyer were not allowed in the room with the panel. Nor could his lawyer, under the rules of the hearing, cross-examine her.

Instead, they were cloistered in a separate room, as her testimony piped in by speakerphone. He felt, he said, “there is absolutely nothing I can do to change my situation.” As he feared, Yale expelled him.

Mr. Khan’s criminal trial, months earlier, was markedly different. His lawyer cross-examined the woman in ways that horrified women’s rights advocates: How were you dressed? How much did you drink? Did you send flirty texts? And unlike the Yale hearing, the prosecutors had to prove his guilt “beyond a reasonable doubt.”

After barely three hours of deliberations, Mr. Khan was acquitted.

The difference between those two hearings — in process and outcome — led Mr. Khan to make an unusual move: He sued his accuser for defamation for statements she had made during the Yale hearing. That lawsuit, filed in 2019, is challenging the way universities across the country have adjudicated such sexual assault hearings.

Normally, such a lawsuit would not have much of a chance. In Connecticut and other states, witnesses in such “quasi-judicial” hearings carry absolute immunity against defamation lawsuits.

But the Connecticut Supreme Court in June gave Mr. Khan’s suit the greenlight to proceed. It ruled that the Yale hearing was not quasi-judicial because it lacked due process, including the ability to cross-examine witnesses.

“For absolute immunity to apply under Connecticut law,” the justices wrote, “fundamental fairness requires meaningful cross-examination in proceedings like the one at issue.”

Mr. Khan’s lawyer, the court said, was effectively reduced to the role of a “potted plant.”

The decision applies only to cases within the state, but it is reverberating at universities across the country. College officials consulted their own state laws, checking whether their disciplinary hearings could leave witnesses vulnerable to defamation lawsuits.

8) Interesting, “Conventional twin studies overestimate the environmental differences between families relevant to educational attainment”

Estimates of shared environmental influence on educational attainment (EA) using the Classical Twin Design (CTD) have been enlisted as genetically sensitive measures of unequal opportunity. However, key assumptions of the CTD appear violated for EA. In this study we compared CTD estimates of shared environmental influence on EA with estimates from a Nuclear Twin and Family Design (NTFD) in the same 982 German families. Our CTD model estimated shared environmental influence at 43%. After accounting for assortative mating, our best fitting NTFD model estimated shared environmental influence at 26%, disaggregating this into twin-specific shared environments (16%) and environmental influences shared by all siblings (10%). Only the sibling shared environment captures environmental influences that reliably differ between families, suggesting the CTD substantially overestimates between-family differences in educational opportunity. Moreover, parental education was found to have no environmental effect on offspring education once genetic influences were accounted for.

9) John McWhorter really doesn’t like “it is what it is” but I think that’s because he focuses too much on a less common usage that personally hurt him:

On a recent podcast, Bill Gates asked me my least favorite word or expression. On the fly, I chose “It is what it is.” As I explained, “People say it when really what they mean is ‘I don’t care.’”

Since the podcast aired, I have been surprised to see this passing comment getting around quite a bit in the media. And the verdict on my observation seems — at least from the missives sent to me — divided just about down the middle.

Many tell me that they, too, have always hated the phrase for the same reason. I even discovered in writing this newsletter that my colleague Frank Bruni had taken the phrase to task last year (“the most degrading sequence of five words in the English language”) and William Safire had commented on it in The Times all the way back in 2006.

But others, often oddly heated up about the matter, have scolded me that I am misreading the phrase. To them, “it is what it is” means merely that one must sometimes make one’s peace with misfortune or difficulty rather than getting torn up about it. On this reading, “it is what it is” is essentially an English version of “que sera sera.”

Yes, exactly that. And yes, I’m semi-heated that its common usage is just accepting an unpleasant reality.

The first encounter with the phrase that I remember was in 2005, when I was cast in a part in a play that was somewhat over my head. (You might think I’d be a good Bernard in Tom Stoppard’s “Arcadia,” but you’d have to think again.) I thought I had mastered my lines for a rehearsal, but I wasn’t actually off-book the way I thought I was. My shortcoming had irritated the person with whom I shared the scene, and things had gotten a little messy.

Walking out after the rehearsal with someone else in the cast, I was beating myself up for not having done my job. But my inexperience wasn’t really his cup of tea. What he was interested in was seeing whether a woman in the cast he was attracted to was available to walk to the subway with him. Regarding my troubles, he detachedly intoned, “Well, it is what it is.”

In the podcast, I recounted thinking: What a gorgeously chilly way of saying “Your problems don’t matter to me.” He was not using the phrase’s other, “que sera sera” meaning, counseling me to accept how things unfold in a Zen-like way.

Those who think of the Zen version of “it is what it is” aren’t wrong, however: It is often used that way when referring to oneself, for example. But those who agree with me that the expression can be dismissive are also correct in thinking of dismissive exchanges such as my own. “It is what it is” has two meanings.

10) AI as a tool for educators, “Teachers Are Going All In on Generative AI: Surveys suggest teachers use generative AI more than students, to create lesson plans or more interesting word problems. Educators say it can save valuable time but must be used carefully.”

11) I love that I can get endless refills of Diet Dr Pepper at pretty much all NC McDonalds. This is awful news, “McDonald’s is slowly taking self-serve beverages off the menu”

12) Loved this from Brian Klaas, “How tall was Jesus? Or, measurement and the making of the modern world.: The mensura Christi provides insights into the making of modern measurement—and how the history of metrology created our modern world, subdivided into arbitrary units that define and shape our lives.”

We like to pretend that measurement classifies the world, slapping objective values onto reality. But what we often forget is that, in so many ways, measurement creates our world, changing the meaning of how we experience reality, and in the process, shaping so much of modernity that we take for granted.

Measurement is also part of what makes us human. No other species is capable of using abstractions to subdivide the world. Doing so has also allowed us to partition the interconnected wholeness of existence into more manageable, discrete parts. And that has allowed us to control an ever-larger slice of our existence.

The question, though, is this: have we gone too far?

Modern metrology—the scientific study of measurement—highlights the need to define measures; to implement them in practice; and to ensure traceability, which is the ability to verify relative to a standardized reference, whether a measurement has been accurately made.

There have been many units of measure mostly retired over human history precisely because they failed to provide traceability and therefore guaranteed confusion. For example:

  • Furlong (the distance an ox could plow without resting)
  • Ald (a Mongolian measurement of the distance of a man’s outstretched arms)
  • Sana lamjel (the distance from the floor to the top of the fingertips of the king—Nongda Lairen Pakhangpa—when he raised his hand above his head)
  • Butt (a measure of liquid volume equal to two hogsheads—obviously—or somewhere between 450 and 1,060 liters)
  • Hobbit (not the hairy-footed variety, but a Welsh measure of volume/weight).

The biggest leap forward in modern metrology, which aimed to destroy such arbitrary metrics, emerged after Louis XVI was decapitated. On the eve of the French Revolution, the historian Ken Alder notes, there were 800 different names for measurements used in France, but in practice, these 800 terms represented 250,000 different standards. Killing the king and overthrowing his oppression meant uprooting the old ways. Central to that was also decapitating the broken royal system of measurement, from calendars to clocks and weights to lengths.

A decimal craze swept across France, where it was deemed right and proper to subdivide everything by ten. From 1793 to 1805, France replaced its calendar with a decimalized one—similar to a model used in ancient Egypt—in which months were subdivided into three weeks, each ten days long, a duration known as a décade. Days were broken down into ten hours, comprised of 100 minutes, with each minute divided into 100 seconds. To correspond to the Earth’s rotation, this meant that an hour was—in our terms—144 conventional minutes long and minutes were comprised of 86.4, instead of 60, conventional seconds.

There were also momentous scientific efforts unleashed to try to create more objective and pristine measures, including the expedition that provides the origin story of the meter. The calculation was to be based on one ten-millionth of the distance between the North Pole and the Equator through Paris. Two scientists spent six years on the project. When they triumphantly returned with their calculated length, it was enshrined in a length of pure platinum, a measure we still use today.

But in the ultimate illustration of the fallibility and arbitrary nature of measurement, the two scientists made a small miscalculation, such that the meter—to this day—is 0.2 millimeters shorter than it should be. One of the scientists, Pierre-François-André Méchain, went mad with despair when he realized his mistake. In his crushing depression, he took off on an expedition in the hopes that he would cheer up. Instead, he got bitten by a mosquito, contracted malaria, and expired, taking his shameful secret of miscalculation with him to the grave. (It has recently been rediscovered).

13) This is potentially a really big deal, via Nate Cohn, “Trump’s Electoral College Edge Seems to Be Fading”

But there’s a case that his Electoral College advantage has faded. In the midterm elections last fall, Democrats fared about the same in the crucial battleground states as they did nationwide. And over the last year, state polls and a compilation of New York Times/Siena College surveys have shown Mr. Biden running as well or better in the battlegrounds as nationwide, with the results by state broadly mirroring the midterms.

The patterns in recent polling and election results are consistent with the trends in national surveys, which suggest that the demographic foundations of Mr. Trump’s Electoral College advantage might be fading. He’s faring unusually well among nonwhite voters, who represent a larger share of the electorate in noncompetitive than competitive states. As a consequence, Mr. Trump’s gains have probably done more to improve his standing in the national vote than in relatively white Northern states likeliest to decide the presidency, like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin…

The shrinking gap between the key battleground states and the national popular vote wasn’t just because of Democratic resilience in the battlegrounds. It was also because Republicans showed their greatest strengths in noncompetitive states like California and New York as well as across much of the South, including newly noncompetitive Florida. Democratic weakness in these states was just enough to cost them control of the House of Representatives, but did even more to suppress Democratic tallies in the national popular vote, helping erase the gap between their strength in the battlegrounds and the national vote…

Together, the midterms, the state polling and the Times/Siena polls offer three serious if imperfect data points suggesting Mr. Trump isn’t faring much better in the battleground states compared with nationwide, at least for now.

But why? Broadly speaking, there are two major theories: the issues and demographics.

First, the issues. In the aftermath of the midterms, Democratic strength in key battleground states appeared attributable to specific issues on the ballot, like abortion, crime and democracy. This helped explain some aspects of the election, including the failures of anti-abortion referendums and stop-the-steal candidates — and perhaps New York Democrats.

It’s possible these new issues are helping to shift the electoral map heading into 2024 as well. New issues that have emerged since 2020 — abortion rights, trans rights, education, the “woke” left and crime — are primarily state and local issues where blue, red and purple state voters inhabit different political realities, with plausible consequences for electoral politics…

The polls so far this cycle suggest that the demographic foundations of Mr. Trump’s advantage in the Electoral College might be eroding. Mr. Biden is relatively resilient among white voters, who are generally overrepresented in the battleground states. Mr. Trump, meanwhile, shows surprising strength among nonwhite voters, who are generally underrepresented in the most critical battleground states. As a consequence, Mr. Trump’s gains among nonwhite voters nationwide would tend to do more to improve his standing in the national vote than in the battleground states.

Overall, 83 percent of voters in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania were white in the 2020 election, according to Times estimates, compared with 69 percent of voters elsewhere in the nation. Or put differently: If Mr. Biden struggled among nonwhite voters, it would do a lot more damage to his standing outside of these three states than it would in the states that make up his likeliest path to 270 electoral votes.

Is this enough to explain Mr. Trump’s diminished advantage? It could explain most of it. If we adjusted Times estimates of the results by racial group in 2020 to match the latest Times/Siena polls, Mr. Trump’s relative advantage in the Electoral College would fall by three-quarters, to a single point.

14) Trumpetfish are cool:

Trumpetfish like to snack on damselfish and shrimp in coral reefs and sea grass beds around the world. But with 20-inch long bodies and conspicuously large snouts, they need tricks to sneak up on their prey.

In a study, published on Monday in the journal Current Biology, scientists demonstrated the effectiveness of one trumpetfish strategy — hiding behind a larger, friendlier fish. The subterfuge of such a fakeout seems almost human in its cleverness, leading scientists to wonder whether other species are also making use of similar hunting strategies.

While many coral reef residents, such as groupers and moray eels, work together when hunting for their mutual benefit, the trumpetfish’s sneaky shadowing of larger fish seems to be solely for its own benefit.

It’s also not the trumpetfish’s only means of catching prey off guard. It can change color to blend into its surroundings or disguise itself as inanimate objects like a stick or seaweed. It can also attack from above, hanging vertically in the water column and darting down to suck prey into its gaping mouth.

However, hiding behind a larger nonpredatory fish, such as a parrotfish, until its prey is within striking range seems to be one of its favorite hunting strategies.

“For the last couple of decades, guidebooks, dive blogs and a couple of research papers have documented observations of this behavior,” said Sam Matchette, a behavioral ecologist at the University of Cambridge and an author of the new study.

Historically, humans have employed a similar strategy when hunting waterfowl. Hunters would hide behind “stalking horses,” which were horses or cattle, when approaching ducks to prevent the birds from seeing them and being spooked. Many hunters still use this strategy, but instead of farm animals they use blinds and cardboard cutouts.

Dr. Matchette heard reports that trumpetfish hid behind larger nonpredatory fish when hunting, and the tactic sounded strikingly similar to the stalking horse strategy used by humans. So last year, Dr. Matchette and his colleagues set out to see whether they could prove that trumpetfish were truly doing something much like that used by duck hunters of old.

15) Seems to me like it’s at least worth the investment to figure out if this is feasible and worth further pursuing, “U.S. to Fund a $1.2 Billion Effort to Vacuum Greenhouse Gases From the Sky: Many scientists are skeptical of the technology, and environmentalists have criticized the approach.”

16) This seems not great, “Faced With Evolving Threats, U.S. Navy Struggles to Change: A new generation of cheaper and more flexible vessels could be vital in any conflict with China, but the Navy remains lashed to big shipbuilding programs driven by tradition, political influence and jobs.”

A symphony of sorts echoed through the sprawling shipyard on the Gulf Coast of Mississippi — banging, hissing, beeping, horns, bells and whistles — as more than 7,000 workers hustled to fill orders fueled by the largest shipbuilding budget in the Navy’s history.

The surge in spending, $32 billion for this year alone, has allowed the Huntington Ingalls shipyard to hire thousands of additional people to assemble guided missile destroyers and amphibious transport ships. “More ships are always better,” said Kari Wilkinson, the president of the shipyard, pointing to the efficiencies that come with a steady flow of contracts and the jobs they create.

But the focus from Washington on producing a stream of new warships is also creating a fleet that some inside the Pentagon think is too wedded to outdated military strategies and that the Navy might not be able to afford to keep running in decades to come.

Half a world away, at a U.S. Navy outpost in Bahrain, a much smaller team was testing out a very different approach to the service’s 21st-century warfighting needs.

Bobbing in a small bay off the Persian Gulf was a collection of tiny unmanned vessels, prototypes for the kind of cheaper, easier-to-build and more mobile force that some officers and analysts of naval warfare said was already helping to contain Iran and could be essential to fighting a war in the Pacific.

Operating on a budget that was less than the cost of fuel for one of the Navy’s big ships, Navy personnel and contractors had pieced together drone boats, unmanned submersible vessels and aerial vehicles capable of monitoring and intercepting threats over hundreds of miles of the Persian Gulf, like Iranian fast boats looking to hijack oil tankers.

Now they are pleading for more money to help build on what they have learned.

“It’s an unbelievable capability — we have already tested it for something like 35,000 hours,” said Michael Brown, who was the director of the Defense Innovation Unit, which helped set up the unmanned drone tests in Bahrain. “So why are we not fielding that as fast as possible?”

17) “Google Says Switching Away From Its Search Engine Is Easy. It’s Not.”

Imagine if every time you went to the supermarket, your shopping cart came loaded with the same box of cereal.

This cereal happens to be the most popular, so it’s convenient for the store to have it in the cart. If you don’t like it, it’s simple enough to put it back on the shelf and grab a different box.

That’s essentially the crux of Google’s defense against the Justice Department in a consequential antitrust trial — the federal government’s first such case in the modern internet era — that is now unfolding in court.

The government has accused Google of illegally using partnerships with handset makers, computer manufacturers and browser developers to stifle competitors in online search. Under those partnerships, the Justice Department argues, Google made its search engine the default service on an overwhelming majority of consumer electronics, like smartphones. That then deterred people from trying alternative search engines, like Bing, DuckDuckGo and others.

Oh come on. Really, it is easy.  Also, it’s like having Lucky Charms in my cart the first time I go to Food Lion, but once I change it to Frosted Flakes, that’s what comes in my cart every time I go shopping.

18) This is great.  And so true.  We should invest in and encourage more women police officers.  It would help so much. “One simple fix for our broken policing system: Hiring more women”

This needs to change, and maybe will, if only out of necessity. Law enforcement agencies across the country are facing a personnel shortage that is “the number one issue in policing right now,” said Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, a leading research and policy organization for law enforcement agencies.

Gone are the days when police departments were seeing 100 or more applicants for every opening to join the force. Amid new standards of accountability and awakened mistrust in their communities, especially after the reckoning that followed George Floyd’s 2020 death under the knee of a Minneapolis policeman, there has been an exodus of seasoned officers. Meanwhile, the pool of candidates for the available openings has been drying up. In some cities, the number of recruits is down by 90 percent.

All of which is compelling police departments across the country to turn their attention to one of the most obvious and untapped solutions: attracting and retaining more female officers. Upward of 300 law enforcement agencies have joined what is known as the “30×30” initiative, signing a pledge to have at least 30 percent of their recruits be women by 2030…

The benefits of bringing more women into policing go well beyond the numbers. A host of research suggests female officers tend to be less likely than their male counterparts to use excessive force, and they are named in proportionally fewer citizen complaints. They also inspire more trust in the community, making fewer discretionary arrests, particularly of people who are not White.

A 2021 study of 4 million traffic stops made by the Florida State Highway Patrol and Charlotte Police Department found that female officers are less likely than male ones to search drivers but more likely to find contraband. “These results indicate that women officers are able to minimize the number of negative interactions with citizens without losses in effectiveness,” the researchers wrote in the American Journal of Political Science.

19) I had no idea there was a seasonality to human births, “The Calendar of Human Fertility Is Changing
American births have historically peaked in late summer. But our changing behaviors, technology, and environment are flattening that bump.”

Birth seasonality has been documented since the 1820s, if not earlier. But despite generations of study, we still don’t fully understand the reasons it exists, or why it differs so drastically among even neighboring countries. Teasing apart the contributions of biology and behavior to seasonality is messy because of the many factors involved, says Micaela Martinez, the director of environmental health at the nonprofit WE ACT for Environmental Justice, who has been studying seasonality for years. And even while researchers try to track it, the calendar of human fertility has been changing. As our species has grown more industrialized, claimed more agency over reproduction, and reshaped the climate we are living in, seasonality, in many places, is shifting or weakening.

There is no doubt that a big part of human birth seasonality is behavioral. People have more sex when they have more free time; they have less sex when they’re overworked or overheated or stressed. Certain holidays have long been known to carry this effect: In parts of the Western world with a heavy Christian presence, baby boomlets fall roughly nine months after Christmas; the same patterns have been spotted with Spring Festival and Lunar New Year in certain Chinese communities. (Why these holidays strike such a note, and not others, isn’t entirely clear, experts told me.)…

But cultural norms have never been able to explain everything about the Homo sapiens birth calendar. “It’s pretty common for mammals to have a specific breeding season” dictated by all sorts of environmental cues, Martinez told me. Deer, for instance, mate in the fall, triggered by the shortening length of daylight, effectively scheduling their fawns to be born in the spring; horses, whose gestations are longer, breed as the days lengthen in the spring and into summer, so they can foal the following year.

Humans, of course, aren’t horses or deer. Our closest relatives among primates “are much more flexible” about when they mate, Élise Huchard, a behavioral ecologist at the University of Montpellier, in France, told me. But those apes are not immune to their surroundings, and neither are we. All sorts of hormones in the human body, including reproductive ones, wax and wane with the seasons. Researchers in the United States and Australia have found that couples hoping to conceive via in vitro fertilization have a higher chance of success if the eggs are retrieved during the summer. At the same time, summer conceptions appear to be less common, or less successfully carried to term, in some countries, a trend that sharpens at lower latitudes and, Lam told me, during hotter years. The subsequent spring lulls may be explained in part by heat waves dissuading people from sex. But Alan Barreca, an economist at UCLA, suspects that ultrahigh temperatures may also physiologically compromise fertility, potentially by affecting factors such as sperm quantity and quality, ovulation success, or the likelihood of early fetal loss.

20) This is good, “When Being Good Is Just a Matter of Being Lucky”

The punishment for murder is more severe than the punishment for attempted murder. But it’s not completely obvious why. The person who tried to kill but failed is just as bad a person.

One explanation is a term that I heard for the first time this week, “moral luck.” Bernard Williams, an English philosopher, coined the term in 1976, knowing it would blow people’s minds. “When I first introduced the expression moral luck, I expected to suggest an oxymoron,” he later wrote.

By one standard, morality should have nothing to do with luck. All that should matter is intent, not fate. Immanuel Kant, the German philosopher, wrote that an act of good intent shines like a jewel whether or not it achieves its objective.

Even young children understand, by nature or nurture, that intent matters. By age 3, children will be nicer to “someone who has intended, but failed, to help another over one who intended, but failed, to harm,” researchers have found. (I wrote about child-raising and moral responsibility in April.)

Yet there’s this other intuition we have that intent is not all that matters. The lighter punishment that we mete out for attempted murder is an example. Another example is the awful feeling we get when we cause harm purely by mistake.

21) From the former head of Amazon Studios, “The Era of Prestige TV Is Ending. We’re Going to Miss It When It’s Gone.”

But the 2023 Emmys may ultimately be remembered less as a celebration than as a wake. Even before the twin strikes that have brought Hollywood production to a halt, prestige TV — that unofficial genre of quality programming that’s become a mainstay of the past 20 years — had a critical, and possibly terminal, diagnosis. Now it seems all but assured that when Hollywood resumes business, the landmark era defined by shows like “The Sopranos,” “Breaking Bad,” “The Wire” and all their celebrated heirs will be over for good…

When streamers started producing their own shows, they followed the same model. Netflix made a mark with “House of Cards,” “Orange Is the New Black” and “BoJack Horseman,” and at Amazon we launched “Transparent,” “Fleabag” and “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel.” The goal was attention and acclaim — and it worked. In 2015, “Transparent” was the first streaming show to win a best series award at the Golden Globes. By 2021, the streamers claimed the majority of outstanding comedy and outstanding drama Emmy nominations, with “Ted Lasso” (Apple TV+) and “The Crown” (Netflix) each winning. Yet none of these shows ever reached the huge audiences found by network hits like “The Big Bang Theory” or “Dancing With the Stars.”

Now the pendulum is swinging back toward shows with lower prestige but higher viewership. On Max, “Game of Thrones” and “Succession” share a home with “House Hunters” and “Dr. Pimple Popper.” While audiences still get the occasional edgy exception, like “The Bear” and “Squid Game,” there’s been a surge in conventional programming like tween shows and true crime.

If you’re in Hollywood, don’t bother pitching the next “Billions,” “Succession,” “Downton Abbey” or “Mad Men” — that’s considered too 1 percent. The next “Transparent” or “Atlanta”? Too small. And forget about the next “Curb Your Enthusiasm” or “Entourage.” That kind of comedy is far too niche for today’s marketplace. Edgy is out. Mass is in.

The problem with this move toward more broadly appealing programming — what some have called “CBS-ification” — is that mass-appeal shows aren’t what inspired millions of people to subscribe to these services in the first place. In fact, mass appeal shows may have the opposite effect: For 30 years, viewers have been taught that expensive prestige shows like “Game of Thrones” are what you pay for and shows like “Wheel of Fortune” are what you get on broadcast for free. If Netflix added, say, 5,000 hours of “Wheel of Fortune” and “Days of Our Lives” to its platform, it would likely increase total viewing hours, but it could erode the notion that the service is worth paying for in the first place. Yet many streaming services are raising their prices right now, in part to drive subscribers to cheaper, ad-supported tiers that promise additional advertising revenue.

I can imagine three possibilities for TV as we go forward. One is that prestige TV will be consigned to a specific moment in history, like the socially conscious sitcoms of the 1960s and ’70s. Another possibility is that auteur-style shows will live on, but they won’t dominate the TV conversation, and they’ll be fewer and harder to find.

 

Quick hits (part I)

1) Chronicle of Higher Education, inspired by the prison abolition movement, on just giving up on worrying about cheating at all in the face of ChatGPT

If contexts matter, then the way to prevent students from cheating with ChatGPT might not be to police their uses of technology but to help shift the contexts in which they do their work. More effective than to police cheating would be to abolish it. That is, the solution may not be doing anything about cheating itself, so much as doing something about the social conditions that promote it. To help understand and reshape those conditions, those of us plagued with concerns about students cheating might adopt an abolitionist framework that helps to identify and transform root causes, rather than police second-order effects. Abolishing cheating means working to create environments and provide resources that would help make cheating unnecessary or unthinkable in the first place.

The good news is that, unlike AI policies, this kind of abolitionist work has a lot of existing support, though it often goes by other names. Many existing learner-centered pedagogies have abolitionist effects, which can be used to address the problem of cheating by tackling its causes. Consider this nonexhaustive list of some well-tested pedagogical strategies that can be used to work toward abolishing cheating in essay writing:

  • Overarching narratives. Syllabi and lectures that present, connect, repeat, and reinforce a big picture, helping students understand the relation of the parts to the whole and thereby what they’re supposed to be learning and why.
  • Transparent design. Assignments that test students on content but also require them to reflect on how they’re learning and why, teaching them how to be better learners in the future.
  • Labor-based grading. Assignments that promote learning through process and practice, rather than evaluation and outcomes, rewarding current effort rather than previous preparation.
  • Pink Time. An exercise that requires students to skip class in order to reflect on personal motivation in the context of greater autonomy.
  • Collaboration. Students who work in teams through multistep assignments, focusing on the work-flow, organization, delegation, and teamwork skills required for many 21st-century jobs.
  • Accessibility auditing. Assignments designed to accommodate all students regardless of disability, making further accommodation probably unnecessary, evaluation more fair, and the classroom a model for inclusion as a standard.

All of those strategies emphasize process and practice, de-emphasize high-stakes evaluation and final products, and work to ensure greater equity in the classroom. A number of them are designed to increase students’ individual and collective capacities for reinforcing learning and undertaking evaluation, with the consequence that the work process that leads to and through essay writing can carry equal if not greater weight than the completed essay itself. If what students think matters is the finished essay and its grade, ChatGPT will always produce results faster and more easily than students can. If what they think matters is the multistep, collaborative process of writing and revising, well, that’s exactly what ChatGPT robs them of.

Yeah, sometimes I post things just because I disagree with them so much.  Not caring about the “final product” of what my students produce seems insane to me. And, honestly, not doing them any favors.

2) Health Nerd on Long Covid:

The bottom line here is both reassuring and a bit depressing. There is no doubt that Long COVID remains a serious problem, particularly for people infected in 2020. In the ONS data, there are over a million people who report that they have long-lasting symptoms from COVID-19 that have already lasted a year or more. Those people may never recover. Regardless of your perspective on the pandemic, that’s a really big problem.

Conversely, your risk of getting Long COVID today is extremely low, particularly if you’ve been recently vaccinated. We know that Long COVID is closely related to the severity of your COVID-19 infection, and therefore things that reduce severity – such as medications and vaccination – make you less likely to experience long-term symptoms as well.

Altogether, the population-wide evidence suggests that the incidence of Long COVID is now very low. We must continue to fund research to help people who became unwell with Long COVID earlier in the pandemic, and those unlucky enough to get it today – a small percentage of a big number is still a big number, and even 0.01% adds up to quite a few people across the entirety of the US – because Long COVID can be incredibly debilitating for those who get it.

However, the risk of Long COVID has dropped dramatically since the onset of the pandemic, and is likely to continue to fall over time. If you catch COVID-19 today, the risk of experiencing long-term problems has dropped substantially since 2020.

Long COVID will likely always be a problem, but it has now become a public health issue rather than a public health emergency.

3) Really good stuff from Annie Lowery on radical efforts from Vegans. So interesting and thoughtfully written.  It seems crazy that two people who are both so good at this are married (Ezra Klein). 

I’m a vegan, if an imperfect and non-strident one. Like many vegans, I’ve always seen it as a personal choice. I don’t see myself as having any kind of authority to tell other people not to eat meat or fish, especially because I was an omnivore for much of my life.

Being vegan means forgoing many of life’s pleasures—cheeseburgers, peppermint ice cream, warm sourdough with cold butter. It means absenting yourself from your own culture—not taking the piece of birthday cake, not going to the amazing new restaurant. It means constantly feeling like you are failing, given the difficulty of avoiding animal products in a world where animals are a commodity. It means living in a way that makes other people feel judged and uncomfortable. It is exhausting, abstemious, weird. One paper found that omnivores view vegans more negatively than any other stigmatized group except for drug addicts.

It is not surprising that the share of people forgoing animal products has barely changed since at least the late 1990s. Just 5 percent of Americans say they are vegetarian, and only a sliver of the population, perhaps 1 percent, truly never eats meat. Globally, the number of animals consumed per capita has nearly doubled in the past five decades, as has the share of animals raised in confined, industrial environments.

DxE believes it can change that, not by turning omnivores into vegans but by turning vegans into vegan activists. It has attracted thousands of donors and participants, mostly Millennials and Gen Zers, over its 10 years of existence. (There’s no formal membership count, as there’s no formal membership process.) But it has also amassed plenty of detractors, who see the group as cultish and its activities as pointless and obnoxious. Social change is hard enough for movements that don’t ask people to give up anything, let alone their grandmother’s brisket…

Being in that egg farm made me want to glue myself to the floor of a basketball stadium or chain myself to an assembly line. It made me want to confront people picking up their plastic-wrapped cuts at the grocery store, nourishing themselves with another creature’s misery while telling themselves they love animals, because in some contradictory way they really do. And it made me furious that whenever the animal-rights movement suggests that we as a society should stop doing this, it gets a barrage of criticism about its messaging and tactics and strategies.

That is true even though the critiques of radical vegans are well founded. Nothing I saw in my months of reporting persuaded me that DxE or any other animal-rights group has a plausible theory of success. And DxE’s efforts at mobilization seemed likelier to alienate potential supporters than to persuade them.

But if vegans can be annoying, they are also profoundly right. They are burdened with advocating for billions of suffering creatures and being able to help only a few. They are burdened with the futile, enraging task of trying to get people to live by their own articulated values.

Why do the vegans always have to explain themselves to the omnivores? The omnivores, somehow, never have to explain themselves to the animals.

4) Some very cool political science:

When individuals picture the two parties, what do they think of? Given the dominant understanding of partisanship as a social identity, understanding the content of these mental images—individuals’ stereotypes of the two parties—is essential, as stereotypes play an important role in how identity affects attitudes and behaviors, perceptions of others, and inter-group relations. The existing literature offers three answers to this question: one that claims that people picture the two parties in terms of their constituent social groups, a second that claims that people picture the two parties in terms of policy positions, and a third that claims that people view the two parties in terms of individual traits they associate with partisans. While not mutually exclusive, these theories have different implications for the effects of partisanship and the roots of partisan animosity. This paper adjudicates between these theories by employing a new method that measures stereotype content at the collective and individual level using a conjoint experiment. An important advantage of the conjoint measure is that it allows for the direct comparison of the importance of different attributes, and different kinds of attributes, to the stereotype. Using a pre-registered 2,909-person survey, I evaluate the relative importance of issues, groups, and traits to stereotypes of partisans. I find strong evidence that issue positions and ideological labels are the central elements of partisan stereotypes. I also find that individuals who hold issue- or ideology-based stereotypes are more affectively polarized than those whose stereotypes are rooted in groups or traits.

5) Is it wrong for me to suggest that the pandemic is over and Democrats worry too much about Covid?  Gallup:

Heightened COVID-19 Concerns Concentrated Among Democrats

All party groups are more likely now than in May/June to say the coronavirus situation is getting worse, but Democrats have grown particularly negative about the trajectory. The percentage of Democrats who believe the situation is worsening has jumped 38 percentage points this quarter, from 6% in May/June to 44% in September. This contrasts with a 17-point increase among independents, to 22%, and a 13-point increase among Republicans, to 16%.

Meanwhile, the smaller changes seen this quarter in Americans’ concern about getting the coronavirus and belief the pandemic is over can be attributed mainly to Democrats.

  • Worry about contracting the coronavirus increased from 26% to 41% among Democrats, while it was statistically unchanged among independents (with 23% currently concerned) and Republicans (11%).
  • The percentage of Democrats who think the pandemic is over fell 16 points, from 51% last quarter to 35% today. This compares with seven- to eight-point declines among independents (57% of whom still believe it’s over) and Republicans (77%).

At the same time, consistent with the stability in the national trends, Democrats are no more likely now than in May/June to say their life has returned to normal.

6) We need more doctors!!  Also, it’s way too hard to get into medical school.  I don’t need my doctor to be a genius, just smart enough and empathetic with a high social IQ.  And our doctor shortage is actually a matter of law:

Covid-19 exposed a lack of medical personnel in the United States to meet a national emergency, but a shortage of doctors has been a problem in the US for years. The number of doctors is a function of how many new doctors are admitted to the profession and how many leave the practice of medicine each year. The supply of new entrants is constrained primarily by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), a federal agency that provides the bulk of the funding for hospital residencies.

Hospital residencies are positions for recent medical school graduates to work in a clinical setting – usually at a hospital or doctor’s office – treating patients and continuing their training in a particular subfield. Residency durations vary by specialty. Even after medical school, an MD cannot obtain a license to practice medicine without at least one year of residency. The number of residency slots directly determines the number of licensed doctors entering practice.

CMS residency funding was capped beginning in 1997 at 1996 levels, and has only been raised once since then in Section 126 of the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021. From 1987 to 1997 the number of residents grew by 20.6%, while from 1997 to 2007 the growth in residencies was only 8%. The 2021 law attempts to address several issues by slowly increasing residencies in specific underserved situations such as rural areas. This officially just began with 200 new residencies nationwide this year, climbing to 1,000 additional residencies per year in five years. It is only a drop in the bucket compared to the 140,000 resident doctors in the US in 2020, the majority of whom were federally funded. Using a rough estimate from Census population data for 2000 and 2020, there are at least 50 million, or 18%, more people in the nation today than when the law was passed, making the current change a rather small effort.

This growth in population without a corresponding growth in the doctors we train each year leads to higher salaries for doctors and higher costs for patients. More people are demanding the time of a similar number of doctors, driving up the price of doctor’s time, even before accounting for the US’ aging population.

The law of supply and demand predicts that a larger supply of doctors would drive down the cost of doctors’ services as well as how much they are paid. The 1997 restriction on supply of residencies was originally lobbied for by the American Medical Association (AMA), the main professional association and lobbying group for doctors. The AMA now recognizes the shortages this created and is encouraging Congress to remove the limit. US healthcare costs are rising at a pace that the profession is actively asking for a change that will increase competition for its members. Increased supply of anything, even doctors, means decreased prices, all else being equal.

7) Interview with Yascha Mounk on his new book:

In his new book, the German-born American political scientist authoritatively traces the evolution of the “identity synthesis” (Spoiler alert: that’s the term he’s come up with to describe the ideology formerly known as wokeness) by reference to the ideas of Karl Marx, Michel Foucault, Edward Said, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Noam Chomsky, and other influential leftist thinkers.

At its root, Mounk argues, the identity synthesis is an illiberal intellectual movement that rejects liberalism’s focus on colorblindness, free speech, individualism, and ideological pluralism—while also rejecting Marxism’s utopian promise of a better future in which society’s class-based divisions are healed.

Instead, the identity synthesis gives us the worst of both worlds. Not only does it attack the freedoms and guarantees of equal treatment promised by liberalism; it does so in the service of a dystopian vision. In this political conception, blacks, Hispanics, women, and LGBT citizens are doomed to suffer some measure of oppression. Meanwhile, privileged members of society—those who are male, white, straight, “cis,” et cetera—are commanded to piously interrogate their political souls in perpetuity.

But if you’re looking for a simple fire-and-brimstone denunciation of the identity synthesis, this book isn’t it. As he demonstrates in the interview that follows—adapted from a recently aired Quillette podcast episode with host Jonathan Kay—Mounk’s analysis is nuanced and balanced. His goal is not merely to critique the identity synthesis, but to explain how leftists came to embrace its dead-end fixation on identity; and to offer ideas about how they can be returned to the path of liberalism.

8) This is one of those super-cool graphic/interactive NYT features you’ve just got to check out.  Gift link. “How to Cool Down a City: Singapore is rethinking its sweltering urban areas to dampen the effects of climate change. Can it be a model?”

9) You know I already love deBoer, but damn, did I love his rant about “The Bear.”  Easily one of the most overrated pieces of media I’ve ever consumed.  And OMG it just tried too hard any damn time it could.  All the subtlety of a sledgehammer:

Every time the creators of the show have a chance to go bigger or smaller, they choose bigger. Every time they face a decision about being more subdued or more overwrought, they veer directly towards the latter. This show never met a grand sweeping gesture it didn’t like and never met a quiet character moment it did. And the problem there is that narrative and emotional rhythm – the balancing of big with small, the slow and steady accumulation of dramatic stakes, forcing the audience to wait for the crescendo – exist in television for a reason. Without any pacing, without a sense of bigger or smaller to fit the moment, the outcome is numbing sensory overload. By the end of the last episode of this latest season, my brain was fried, and I had to talk through what had happened to discover my own feelings about it all – my feeling, in particular, that the season finale of the second series was easily the worst of the series so far and one of the rare moments when the show has dipped from flawed-but-fun to out-and-out bad…

And this, I think, is the point I’m trying to make here: everything can’t be climax. Every moment can’t be a very special moment. Every conversation can’t be freighted with incredible emotional meaning. (Watch the show and count how many conversations between two characters have the structure “We care about each other deeply, but we don’t see eye-to-eye right now, but with this one loaded talk between us, we’re going to find common ground again and rediscover how much we really care for one another.” There’s so many.) Every plot development can’t be series-altering. I am 100% on board with the concept of a show that throws restraint to the wind and proudly traffics in emotion and sentiment. Bring it on. But it’s a mistake to assume that doing so necessarily entails jettisoning subtlety altogether. Sometimes in drama less really is more. 

10) There is no way educators win this arms race, “The AI Detection Arms Race Is On: And college students are developing the weapons, quickly building tools that identify AI-generated text—and tools to evade detection. “

11) Ugh. “More than half of U.S. dog owners are skeptical of canine vaccinations

12) Fantastic interview with Melissa Kearney on her new book The Two-parent Privilege. Super-beneficial for kids to have two-parent homes.  Of course we should encourage marriage. 

13) That said, Annie Lowery with a great piece on how damn complicated it actually is. 

“The high incidence of single motherhood has spread to what we might think of as the middle class,” Kearney told me. “It has undermined the economic security of a much wider swath of the population.”

Kearney, an economist at the University of Maryland, has amassed reams of evidence on the rise of single parenthood and the way it has put lower-income children at an even greater disadvantage to their high-income peers over the past four decades. Her book shows that marriage itself matters; it is not just a correlate of other factors, such as wealth and education.

So far, many readers on the left have concurred that this is a problem they should have been paying more attention to, while those on the right have had a simpler response: Duh. “Happy to welcome Melissa Kearney to the club of folks who understand more kids would be better off if we had more two-parent married families,” quipped the American Enterprise Institute’s Naomi Schaefer Riley, one of many scholars from the prominent conservative think tank who have lauded the book.

But it is worth asking: What good comes of pointing out that many people could use a cohabiting partner and that many kids could use a second involved parent? Kearney has written an important, careful book on a topic that is an “elephant in the room,” as she puts it. Still, I am not sure anyone has any idea what to do with that elephant…

Why has marriage declined so much? Hard-to-quantify cultural factors are surely at work, but so are easy-to-quantify economic factors. Earnings for men without a college degree have not just stagnated, but fallen in real terms. At the same time, women have become more likely than men to go to college or graduate school, and their incomes have risen regardless of educational attainment. The economist Na’ama Shenhav has shown that a 10 percent increase in women’s wages relative to men’s wages produces a three-percentage-point increase in the share of never-married women and a two-percentage-point increase in the share of divorced women.

Women are going it alone—not because they want to, but because they feel that they have no choice. In straight couplings, women tend to like to date men who earn more than them and men tend to like to date women who earn less; thus, women’s thriving and men’s flailing have left a “marriageability gap.” In surveys, women overwhelmingly say that they want to get married. (That includes young people: In one poll released this week by the Knot Worldwide, just 8 percent of Gen Zers described marriage as “outdated.”) But they report struggling to find someone with a steady job, someone to match their sensibility and ambition. So they have kids on their own…

She advocates for improving men’s economic situation. She champions strong anti-poverty policies to support low-income kids and low-income families, including the expanded child tax credit. Yet “no government check—even one much larger than what’s politically feasible in the U.S. today—is going to make up for the absence of a supportive, loving, employed second parent,” she has argued. To that end, Kearney also proposes working “to restore and foster a norm of two-parent homes with children.”

Yet that norm already exists, something Kearney acknowledged when we talked. Few single mothers want to be single mothers, especially not the low-income ones. They just can’t find anyone to stay with them, or anyone worth staying with. Polls do show some erosion in the idea that marriage is important for couples with kids. But this seems as much an effect of the rise of single parenthood as a cause of it.

The real elephant in the room, I think, is that the United States doesn’t want to contemplate, let alone create, a policy infrastructure that supports single parenthood. It doesn’t want to make sure that kids thrive with a single earner in the home. It won’t do this even though it seems obvious that a large share of children are going to grow up with one parent going forward, and even though we aren’t realistically going to increase the marriage rate among lower-income Americans. We don’t want to build a society where children are seen as a collective gift and a collective responsibility. It’s not single parenthood that’s failing these kids. We all are.

14) Lots of good points.  Also, I still think we should culturally encourage marriage as best we can. I’m less impressed with Rebecca Traister’s “actually, it’s all just racism” take (though, she likewise raises many important points)

Both Wilcox and Kearney are correct that marriage, in the decades that it has been increasingly optional, has become the purview of the wealthy. It is an institution that allows the already economically stable to become even more stable by combining their resources. Marriage, once a narrow entrance into adulthood, now more frequently serves as a rewarding capstone life event, agreed to by two well-resourced people who have the advantages of sexual liberation, educational attainment, professional achievement, and economic security under their belt as well as the freedom to exit their unions should they turn out to be unsatisfying.

But where Kearney and Wilcox are wrong — incredibly, monumentally wrong — is that the solution to this structural inequity is simply encouraging more marriage for more people. They confuse cause and effect and are incorrect in the claim that marital privilege is the cause of the inequity rather than a further symptom of it…

Meanwhile, Deadric Williams has argued that the focus on family structure as an explanation for economic stratification has worked to obscure the racial wealth gaps and racist policy decisions that leave Black and Latino families economically disadvantaged regardless of whether they are headed by married couples. He notes that Black and Latino couples with children “had significantly lower median wealth ($16,000 and $18,800, respectively) relative to white couples with children ($161,300).” In 2014, he notes, “Black children with married parents were three times more likely to be living in poverty than white children with married parents, while Latino children with married parents were four times more likely to be living in poverty than their white counterparts.” And David Brady, Ryan Finnigan, and Sabine Hubgen have argued that what increases poverty rates for single-parent households in the U.S. isn’t the family structure; it’s economic policies that penalize single-parent households: “Our political choices result in families headed by single mothers being 14.3 percent more likely to be poor than other families.”

It’s not marriage — it’s money, and the racist and economically unjust policies that leave some Americans with less of it to begin with, regardless of their marital status. For those who have money, marriage is likely to help them to have even more of it; for those who find a good match, there are many emotional and societal rewards of partnership. But you need stability first; you need the money, jobs, housing, and health care first. And these are the things that the American government, particularly the American right, does not want to offer its people.

15) I’m sorry, but if the US is producing a ton of natural gas, I think we should, in fact, build the facilities to process and export it.  Yes, invest like mad in electrification technology, etc., but if we’ve the gas we should process and sell it.  [Wow, this is really turning into the “Steve is actually a secret conservative” quick hits]

16) Loved all these charts on food allergies. Lots of interesting stuff.

Boys and girls are equally likely to have food allergies, but as both age past puberty, food allergies among women grow much more common, especially in middle age. This gender gap has been observed around the world, and it seems to be widest in allergic reactions that cause hives or migraines, according to a 2017 analysis in the World Allergy Organization Journal. Women are more likely to be allergic to fruits and berries, while men are more likely to have peanut allergies…

Other notable findings: Allergies are more common in low-income families than in high-income ones. Black Americans are more likely to have food allergies than their White colleagues, with the one exception being wheat allergy, which is most prevalent in White people. (What we’re calling a wheat allergy looks similar to other food allergies, and is not to be confused with celiac disease, an autoimmune condition, or other gluten intolerance.)…

So one reason women might have more allergies is that they have more aggressive immune systems, especially during the childbearing years. As Warren points out, that hypervigilance might make sense from an evolutionary perspective: Humans and other animals are more likely to pass on their genes if they aggressively avoid infections at the very moment when those pathogenic invaders might infect their offspring or limit their ability to gestate or care for them.

But why does the histamine howitzer sometimes get trained on harmless sesame seeds or soybeans? Regardless of gender, Warren says, it begins in the skin.

We’re oversimplifying a bit here, but a baby’s immune system follows a simple rule of thumb: If a protein comes in through the mouth, it’s probably a helpful nutrient. But if it comes in through the skin, it’s probably a perilous parasite. Anything that inflames the skin, or makes it easier for foreign substances to enter, can make a haywire immune response more likely.

That’s why a baby with eczema, an inflammatory skin condition, is five times more likely to develop a food allergy than her friends without the condition. A remarkable study out of Australia shows that the more severe the eczema, the more likely a baby is to develop a food allergy, with about half the kids with the earliest and most severe eczema cases developing such allergies.

17) Really nice essay from Lee Drutman.  We should all change our minds more and understand the process. “How I updated my views on ranked choice voting: A personal journey and some thoughts on changing one’s mind”

Over the past two years, I’ve become more enthusiastic about fusion voting as a party-centered—as opposed to candidate-centered—path towards breaking the two-party doom loop, and moving us towards proportional representation. Again, I’ve laid out my thinking in a major report, More Parties, Better Parties, as well as a shorter Washington Post op-ed and elsewhere in this substack, so I won’t elaborate further here, other than to justify briefly: I see fusion voting as a way of encouraging new parties to form, and I see new parties as the essential precursor to a proportional multiparty democracy. But fusion voting can only work in partisan, general elections. 

I do not consider myself anti-RCV. I simply see a more limited role for it than I previously envisioned. Again, I would like to see RCV in primaries (to the extent that we continue to have primary elections) and local nonpartisan elections, proportional representation for all partisan elections that allow for multiple winners, which would include most U.S. House elections, and fusion in all inherently single-winner partisan elections, which include elections for governor and senator. 

18) The whole thing about the “controversy” of the UK banning the “American Bully XL” is completely silly once you learn that the UK long ago already banned Pit Bulls.  Knowing that, how is this even an issue?  It’s not. Now they are banned. (As they should be, I would argue.  Very short version: awful people are drawn towards owning them and turning them into extremely dangerous dogs. The most awful owner is not going to turn a beagle into a killer. And, I’m sure great people own great examples of the breed, but the other existing reality is a sad fact).

19) If people are against the death penalty, they should just be against it and stop making arguments on how horrible the latest methods are. “Alabama Has a Horrible New Way of Killing People on Death Row”

After botching a series of executions by lethal injection, the State of Alabama is planning to use nitrogen gas to put condemned prisoners to death. The first execution will amount to a human experiment, because neither Alabama nor any other state has ever tried to kill people this way.

Late last month, prison guards distributed the state’s new execution protocol to prisoners in solitary confinement on Alabama’s death row. One hundred and sixty men and five women await execution in Alabama. They would be secured to a gurney, their noses and mouths would be covered by masks, and nitrogen would be pumped into their lungs until they suffocate.

Alabama is seeking to conduct the first such experiment on Kenneth Eugene Smith, who already survived a botched execution. Last November, Mr. Smith spent hours strapped to a lethal-injection gurney as the execution team needled around in several locations to insert two intravenous lines without success, before calling off the execution. It is hard to imagine a more ghastly ordeal than being marched back a second time to face the executioner and a new method of execution that has the possibility of unknown agony after decades in prison awaiting death…

We do not even reserve this fate for dogs or cats. Nitrogen gas asphyxiation was previously used to euthanize pets. However, the American Veterinary Medical Association no longer recommends nitrogen asphyxiation for nonavian animals, citing data that indicates those animals may experience panic, pain and severe physical distress before dying. The group states in its 2020 guidelines that nitrogen gas “is unacceptable” for animals other than chickens and turkeys.

That really grabbed my attention as I had read years ago about nitrogen asphyxiation as a, potentially, painless form of suicide!  From the wikipedia page:

When humans breathe in an asphyxiant gas, such as pure nitrogen, helium, neon, argon, methane, or any other physiologically inert gas, they exhale carbon dioxide without re-supplying oxygen. Physiologically inert gases (those that have no toxic effect, but merely dilute oxygen) are generally free of odor and taste. Accordingly, the human subject detects little abnormal sensation as the oxygen level falls. This leads to asphyxiation (death from lack of oxygen) without the painful and traumatic feeling of suffocation (the hypercapnic alarm response, which in humans arises mostly from carbon dioxide levels rising), or the side effects of poisoning. In scuba diving rebreather accidents, there is often little sensation, however, a slow decrease in oxygen breathing gas content has effects which are quite variable.[5] By contrast, suddenly breathing pure inert gas causes oxygen levels in the blood to fall precipitously, and may lead to unconsciousness in only a few breaths, with no symptoms at all.[3]

Some animal species are better equipped than humans to detect hypoxia, and these species are more uncomfortable in low-oxygen environments that result from inert gas exposure; however, the experience is still less aversive than CO2 exposure.[6]

Also, if we’re going to do this, why not just overdoses of barbiturates or opioids??

20) This is really good.  Gift link. “Her students reported her for a lesson on race. Can she trust them again? Mary Wood’s school reprimanded her for teaching a book by Ta-Nehisi Coates. Now she hopes her bond with students can survive South Carolina’s politics.”

My theory for why Joe Biden’s age matters so much

I was talking to a group of people on Sunday with an average age well into the 80’s and we were talking about why there’s so much more focus on Joe Biden’s age than Donald Trump’s.  In the course of the discussion I hit upon a theory that I really think may explain a lot of this.  It’s his voice.  Not the words. Not the occasional nonsense.  Not the occasional really dumb mistakes.  Because, please, Trump has all of these things in spades.  It’s literally the auditory quality of Biden’s voice.  It’s weak and enervated and really sounds like an old person who is in poor condition.  Just compare it, for example, to Bernie Sander’s much stronger, more robust voice.

The thing is, though, by about every other measure of Biden’s age, he’s in great shape for 81. Yes, he makes some occasional embarrassing errors, but, for the most part, he really is physically and cognitively in good shape (seriously, watch this and argue otherwise).  Honestly, the quality of his voice just seems to have aged particularly poorly.  But that’s the reality of how we experience Biden in his public performance of the job.  And the public performance, like it or not, is an important part of the modern presidency.  

I would love to do an experiment where you de-age Biden voice with AI tools and see how voters respond to clips, versus his actual voice.  I suspect the results would be very telling.  Yes, Biden has plenty of verbal slips, but so do lots of politicians.  I’m not quite sure what the technology is for something like this, but damn would I love to do some good social science research on this.

Until then, it’s just supposition and anecdote.  I tried to see if any gerontologist or vocal expert had weighed in on his voice, but I couldn’t find anything.  I did find this NBC article which asks why Biden seems so much older than Trump.  And, guess what…

“Trump just comes off as a much younger person,” said Renee King, a two-time Trump voter in Mondamin, Iowa, who is undecided for 2024. (King declined to give her age.) “Just the way he speaks, the way he walks. Just everything he does.”  …

“When I listen to him speak publicly, I kind of hold my breath sometimes,” she said. “But you know, he’s the guy we’ve got, and … I don’t think it’s such a bad thing.”

Quick hits (part IB)

1) This is so good from a Yascha Mounk interview with UK politician, Rory Stewart:

Mounk: Why is it that the incentives of the system are rewarding the worst kind of behavior and bringing out the worst in people and, when I look at the history of the United Kingdom for the last ten years, not rewarding the people whom I think we would agree would be better in public service?

Stewart: Well, I think it’s partly that you’re not selecting for somebody’s ability to govern a country. You’re not trying to find people who are strong at critical thinking, or who are skilled managers, or who have particularly impressive ideas. It’s not a selection process like you would select a CEO or a university professor. You’re basically selecting through a party system, so that the first thing that matters is what kind of people impress the party. And the people that impress the party in the UK system tend to be people who have been engaged with party politics from a very, very young age, who have demonstrated their loyalty out on the street by campaigning, delivering leaflets, or have worked as a special advisor or assistant to a minister or a Member of Parliament. 

When you enter politics, there are strong pressures to demonstrate loyalty to the party and the leader, and equally strong pressures to establish your name in the media and through social media, often through making very provocative comments, creating a very binary black and white vision of the world. The combination of party media and campaigning means that the system selects for somebody who is going to very naturally produce very binary options in very clear colors, who doesn’t admit any form of complexity, doubt, or humility; who’s perpetually confident in their vision of the world. Perhaps this is the sort of mask which they put on in order to get elected. But the problem is, the mask is painted with a poison. And when they take off the mask, the poison is still corroding their face. So when they sit around the cabinet table, they have to demonstrate critical thinking, and critical thinking is the opposite of all those things. Suddenly, they have to think about complexity, they have to be humble, they have to be open to other people’s ideas, they have to be able to change their minds. They have to be interested in nuance and detail. None of those things are the things which enable a Donald Trump or Boris Johnson to flourish in the first place.

I think it is particularly corrosive on the right.

2) Basically, pretty much all the other major modern democracies have taken steps to remedy the worst anti-democratic features of their Constitutions.  Alas, the U.S., not so much.  This is really good:

In sum, the 20th century ushered in the modern democratic era—an age in which many of the institutional fetters on popular majorities that were designed by pre-democratic monarchies and aristocracies were dismantled. Democracies all over the world abolished or weakened their most egregiously counter-majoritarian institutions. Conservative defenders of these institutions anxiously warned of impending instability, chaos, or tyranny. But that has rarely ensued since World War II. Indeed, countries such as Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and the U.K. were both more stable and more democratic at the close of the 20th century than they were at the beginning. Eliminating counter-majoritarianism helped give rise to modern democracy.

America also took important steps toward majority rule in the 20th century. The Nineteenth Amendment (ratified in 1920) extended voting rights to women, and the 1924 Snyder Act extended citizenship and voting rights to Native Americans—although it was not until the 1965 Voting Rights Act that the United States met minimal standards for universal suffrage…

But America’s 20th-century reforms did not go as far as in other democracies. For example, whereas every other presidential democracy in the world did away with indirect elections during the 20th century, in America the Electoral College remains intact.

America also retained its first-past-the-post electoral system, even though it creates situations of minority rule, especially in state legislatures. The United States, Canada, and the U.K. are the only rich Western democracies not to have adopted more proportional election rules in the 20th century…

The united states, once a democratic innovator, now lags behind. The persistence of our pre-democratic institutions as other democracies have dismantled theirs has made America a uniquely counter-majoritarian democracy at the dawn of the 21st century. Consider the following:

  • America is the only presidential democracy in the world in which the president is elected via an electoral college, rather than directly by voters. Only in America, then, can a president be “elected against the majority expressed at the polls.”
  • America is one of the few remaining democracies that retains a bicameral legislature with a powerful upper chamber, and it is one of an even smaller number of democracies in which a powerful upper chamber is severely malapportioned because of the “equal representation of unequal states” (only Argentina and Brazil are worse). Most important, it is the world’s only democracy with both a strong, malapportioned Senate and a legislative-minority veto (the filibuster). In no other democracy do legislative minorities routinely and permanently thwart legislative majorities.
  • America is one of the few established democracies (along with Canada, India, Jamaica, and the U.K.) with first-past-the-post electoral rules that permit electoral pluralities to be manufactured into legislative majorities and, in some cases, allow parties that garner fewer votes to win legislative majorities.
  • America is the only democracy in the world with lifetime tenure for Supreme Court justices. All other established democracies have either term limits, a mandatory retirement age, or both.

One reason America has become such an outlier is that, among the world’s democracies, the U.S. Constitution is the hardest to change. In Norway, a constitutional amendment requires a supermajority of two-thirds support in two successive elected Parliaments, but the country has no equivalent to America’s extraordinarily difficult state-level ratification process. According to the constitutional scholars Tom Ginsburg and James Melton, the relative flexibility of the constitution allows Norwegians to “update the formal text in ways that keep it modern.” Americans are not so fortunate.

Of the 31 democracies examined by the political theorist Donald Lutz in his comparative study of constitutional-amendment processes, the United States stands at the top of his Index of Difficulty, exceeding the next-highest-scoring countries (Australia and Switzerland) by a wide margin. Not only do constitutional amendments require the approval of two-thirds majorities in both the House and the Senate; they must be ratified by three-quarters of the states. For this reason, the United States has one of the lowest rates of constitutional change in the world. According to the U.S. Senate, 11,848 attempts have been made to amend the U.S. Constitution. But only 27 of them have been successful. America’s Constitution has been amended only 12 times since Reconstruction, most recently in 1992—more than three decades ago.

3) Damon Linker with an interesting take on Trump, “Donald Trump’s Politics of the Berserk”

Trump’s demonic genius was to blend this distinctively American tradition of antinomian hucksterism with politics, synthesizing the anti-government impulse within Reaganite conservatism with a far more radical populist drive to break free from and tear down any and all constraints imposed from above. John Dillinger turned himself into a folk hero by getting away (for a time) with bank robbery and prison breaks. Trump has done (and continues to do) something similar but on the vastly grander stage of presidential politics. His acts of defiance, his refusal to abide by the normal pieties of the political game, his willingness to do and try anything to prevail against his opponents, his ability to drive those opponents to apoplexy—all of it and more makes him seem almost superhuman to tens of millions of Republicans. Even if they don’t fully approve of his behavior, his political tightrope dance is unlike anything else in our (or any other country’s) politics. 

This explains, I think, DeSantis’ inability to challenge Trump in the primaries the way so many intellectuals on the right expected him to. Republicans like DeSantis. For a politician, many GOP voters think, he’s just about as good as it gets. But he is a politician—a professional trying to advance his career by adopting positions he hopes will translate into popularity. That makes him, inevitably, a little fake, a little inauthentic, a bit of a poseur. The voters get it. If Trump wasn’t running, they might have accepted DeSantis as a fallback (though they also might have gravitated to the wilder and less professional Vivek Ramaswamy instead). 

But with Trump still in the mix, fighting for his very freedom in multiple trials as he attempts to exact retribution against his own and his supporters’ enemies by winning back the White House in a rematch with Joe Biden? What could be more thrilling than that?

4) Bruni on McCarthy and power:

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy strode to a lectern in the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday, called for an impeachment inquiry into President Biden, brandished the word “corruption” the way a dominatrix does a whip, and then slipped away, having once again done what he felt was necessary, no matter how senseless, to hold on to his lofty position.

I watched him and I thought of Mitch McConnell clinging to a different lectern in a different city two weeks earlier, his physical struggle unquestionable but his thirst for dominance still unquenched. I thought of Rudy Giuliani marching merrily into the public square in late 2020 and early 2021, his hair a melting mess and his mouth a spigot for conspiracy theories but his demeanor strangely buoyant because he was back in the game. I thought of all the other Republicans — Mark Meadows, Peter Navarro, Lindsey Graham, the list is endless — who prostituted themselves for Trump.

And I thought about them not as a portal into the G.O.P.’s moral void but as a parable of how crazily intoxicating power is and how thoroughly the many broken people in our political culture will debase themselves to maintain their relevance or reclaim it. McCarthy right now is the main character in that story. And what a pathetic character he is.

Bear in mind that by all appearances, his principal motivation in opening this particular inquiry during this particular week — by unilateral decree, without a vote by the full House — wasn’t the emergence of some new revelation about Hunter Biden’s business dealings and his father’s relationship to them. It wasn’t that the accumulated evidence had finally crossed some threshold or reached some tipping point.

It was that a group of rabidly right-wing Republicans high on their own power were coming for him. The impeachment inquiry is chum for approaching sharks, meant to distract and divert them, at least partly. It’s a desperate attempt by an unscrupulous man to keep their teeth from sinking too deep into his torso.

5) Potential game changer in a very disconcerting way.  Though, man, if Republicans in American states try this?! “In Poland, Testing Women for Abortion Drugs Is a Reality. It Could Happen Here.”

Nearly three years ago, Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal effectively ended legal abortion in the country. Since then, the Polish government has vigorously repressed the nation’s reproductive rights movement and ramped up surveillance of women who are suspected of terminating their pregnancies. Authorities have violently dispersed demonstrations, threatened activists with prison time and ordered doctors to record all pregnancies in a new national database.

Even before Roe v. Wade was overturned last summer, Poland’s draconian crackdown, which was spearheaded by the governing right-wing Law and Justice party, should have been alarming to American supporters of abortion rights. It was always possible that some aspects of what has happened there could happen here.

Now there are reports that laboratory tests to detect abortion drugs have not only been created in Poland but are, in rare cases, also being used there to investigate the outcomes of pregnancies. These tests are not yet known to be in use anywhere else in the world. But Americans would be wise to plan for the possibility that the technology could one day be adopted on this side of the Atlantic and used by law enforcement to suss out whether women have taken abortion pills — which are now banned or restricted in more than two dozen states…

For years, reproductive rights advocates have assured American women that when these medications are taken by mouth, a doctor cannot determine whether they were taken to induce an early abortion because the symptoms are indistinguishable from a miscarriage and because the drugs don’t show up on toxicology screens.

But Polish scientists claim they’ve devised laboratory methods to detect mifepristone and misoprostol in biological specimens, and a spokeswoman for the regional prosecutor’s office in Wroclaw confirmed that these tests have been used in Poland to investigate pregnancy outcomes.

In a paper published last October in the journal Molecules, a group of researchers at Wroclaw Medical University’s department of forensic medicine and the Institute of Toxicology Research in Poland described a technique for detecting misoprostol acid, a substance produced by the metabolism of misoprostol, in tissue taken from the placenta and the fetal liver. Weeks later, they published a second paper describing the development of a “rapid, sensitive and reliable method” to detect the other abortion drug, mifepristone, in maternal blood. The studies were conducted as part of a state-funded research project started in 2022.

6) The demographics of women taking their husband’s name with marriage:

A bar chart showing that younger women, women with a postgraduate degree and Democratic women are more likely to keep their last name after marriage.

7) What’s going on with migration at the Darien Gap is amazing.  This article is NYT journalism at its best and full of compelling photos.  Check it out with the gift link. 

Every step through the jungle, there is money to be made.

The boat ride to reach the rainforest: $40. A guide on the treacherous route once you start walking: $170. A porter to carry your backpack over the muddy mountains: $100. A plate of chicken and rice after arduous climbing: $10. Special, all-inclusive packages to make the perilous slog faster and more bearable, with tents, boots and other necessities: $500, or more.

Hundreds of thousands of migrants are now pouring through a sliver of jungle known as the Darién Gap, the only land route to the United States from South America, in a record tide that the Biden administration and the Colombian government have vowed to stop.

But the windfall here at the edge of the continent is simply too big to pass up, and the entrepreneurs behind the migrant gold rush are not underground smugglers hiding from the authorities.

They are politicians, prominent businessmen and elected leaders, now sending thousands of migrants toward the United States in plain sight each day — and charging millions of dollars a month for the privilege.

8) The unwillingness of our society to simply pay teachers more is infuriating.  Teachers will get more respect when we properly pay them like the professionals they are.  These are not separate problems.

Susan Moore Johnson, a research professor in education at Harvard, told me that over the years she has interviewed thousands of teachers and says that while no one expects to get rich from the profession, most do expect to have careers that provide for a middle-class life. “I think teaching as a career has long been seen as something you could count on where you would have a job, where you could count on a retirement plan and health insurance,” she said, and now that’s not necessarily the case in some places. Striking teachers have written about relying on food stamps. In a new poll of Texas teachers, a majority cited poor pay and benefits as a major source of stress.

But perhaps just as important is that as a society we need to give teachers more respect. I heard from several teachers and education leaders that although there was an initial surge of support for teachers at the beginning of the pandemic, that dissolved over time. “There was this kind of swelling of pride in that the teaching profession is selfless and that we’re very skilled and parents were suitably impressed with how much the teachers could accomplish even under duress. So that had a honeymoon, and then the honeymoon was over,” said Wendy Paterson, the dean of the school of education at SUNY Buffalo State.

9) Who knows if this will work, but we really need to be open to ideas like this: “Iron Dust Could Reverse the Course of Climate Change”

For a while it seemed switching to clean energy might be enough to stave off climate catastrophe. But even though the United States has cut coal-fired electricity use from 50 percent to 19.5 percent in the past 20 years, the growth of coal in the rest of the world and the rising demand for energy overall — not to mention the extreme weather we are all experiencing — make it clear that we desperately need another solution.

As crazy as it might sound, geoengineering the oceans by adding iron — in effect, fertilizing them — may offer the best, most effective and most affordable way not just to slow the march of global warming but to reverse its course by directly drawing carbon out of the atmosphere. The U.S. government needs to start testing it now, before the climate system spins off into an even more disastrous state.

This geoengineering would in many ways replicate a natural process that has been underway for probably billions of years. Here’s how it works: Iron-rich dust blows off the land and into the seas, fertilizing algae and plankton. The more they grow, the more they convert carbon dioxide in the air to organic carbon, some of which eventually sinks to the watery depths. Studies suggest that this natural process of increasing iron-rich dust in the oceans takes so much carbon out of the atmosphere that at some point along the way it may have helped bring on the ice ages. But human beings have interrupted that natural cycle. Though growing deserts send more dust into the ocean, agricultural practices to preserve topsoil have the opposite effect, keeping dust out of the ocean and likely, in our opinion, contributing to more warming overall.

Now I feel good about today’s quick hits. More tomorrow.